Uganda: Government must live up to protection responsibilities in the north
02/20/2007
Contacts: Sarah Martin and Kavita Shukla
ri@refugeesinternational.org or 202.828.0110
With a tenuous ceasefire in place in Northern Uganda and improvements
in security in recent months, internally displaced persons (IDPs)
living in camps have experienced increased freedom of movement and some
measure of improvements in their lives. A breakdown in the peace talks
between the government and the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)
threatens to undermine these improvements. While movement out of the
overcrowded camps, which have been notorious for squalid living
conditions, human rights abuses, sexual exploitation and a general lack
of protection for the displaced, is a positive one, the Government of
Uganda must use this moment of peace to strengthen government efforts
to protect their citizens.
The internally displaced in northern Uganda have lived in camps for a
number of years. Many were herded there by the Ugandan military, the
Ugandan People’s Defense Forces (UPDF). Other camps were spontaneously
formed settlements around UPDF detachments. The UPDF established strict
curfews for all living in Acholiland and accused those living outside
camps of being collaborators with the LRA. Human rights violations have
been widespread for years (see RI bulletin: Inadequate
Response to Protection Crisis in Northern Uganda
).
Many of the abuses against the displaced in the camps were perpetrated
by UPDF contingents, which were posted there to protect them from the
LRA. Soldiers from mobile units that were rotated from camp to camp
were responsible for some of the worst violations, including rape of
young women. While there have been few attacks by the LRA since May
2006, human rights violations still occur in the camps. According to a
government official, “There are still isolated incidents. In November,
seven members of a family were killed by a UPDF soldier who was living
with one of the girls. It was unfortunate.”
Reform of the UPDF has been a priority for local human rights agencies,
which undertook efforts to educate and sensitize the military and camp
population about abuses. In recent months, UPDF conduct has also
improved, but some feel it is due to the LRA’s absence from northern
Uganda. “In the past, it was debatable about who did what – but now
only the UPDF are here so they will be blamed,” said one human rights
agency. “I feel a little bit more secure because the soldiers are
outside the camps,” one woman at Pagok camp told Refugees
International, “but the safety is because the LRA is gone.”
The notorious mobile units have been called away from camps as the LRA
threat has diminished and this has further reduced attacks on the
displaced. “Civil-military relations are good,” said a UN
representative in Gulu. A local human rights monitor told RI, “The UPDF
army and police have committed a lot of violations in the past. But
they are trying to improve. They now allow us to inspect the Army
barracks.” Another human rights group seconded this, “They are mindful
about their image --- more worried about protecting civilians than they
were before. In Kitgum, two years ago, an entire IDP camp was attacked
by UPDF and it wasn’t taken seriously. Now you do not see that
happening.”
While the UPDF’s attention to reform is laudable, there still remain
considerable concerns. Some UPDF commanders have become draconian in
responding to reports of soldiers abusing IDPs and have carried out
immediate executions with no appeals process for the accused. But the
top commanders themselves are exempt from discipline and allowed to act
with impunity. RI received reports that commanders of units carrying
out the worst violations were simply transferred to other posts where
presumably the abuses will continue. Local NGOs have pushed for the
battalions linked to the worst human rights conduct to be disbanded but
this has not happened. It is imperative that the Government of Uganda
ensure that the military obey international and domestic laws and
respect the rights of the displaced in northern Uganda.
Another possible solution to curb the abuse of military power in
northern Uganda would be to transfer responsibility for the protection
of civilians from the UPDF to the police. Currently, there is little
police presence in the north. Although the Government of Uganda has
promised between 1,500-1,700 police personnel, they are not yet
deployed. According to human rights organizations, the government has
claimed that the delay in deployment is due to lack of resources. In
Lira, which has the most substantial police presence in northern
Uganda, most constables don’t have uniforms or wages. Another
problematic aspect of the police is that members of militia known as
the Local Defense Units are being absorbed into formal forces without a
vetting process to screen out human rights violators.
Unlike many countries with internal displacement, Uganda has a
functioning government that operates throughout the country. But
government services in northern Uganda have always been notoriously
weak --- one of the root causes of the conflict. The central government
has good IDP policies on paper but has been reluctant to allocate
adequate resources towards many of the initiatives that would enhance
protection of the displaced.
The government’s mechanisms for handling protection issues in the north
remain severely under-funded. The Uganda Human Rights Commission has
very limited resources to work at district level; there are only six
staff at the Commission’s Gulu office, which has a mandate for 16
districts. One successful program has involved establishing a paralegal
system in each of the camps so violations could be documented and
reported. These paralegal systems were necessary because there are few
government employees in the camps to enable the displaced to register
abuses. As security has improved, so has access to the camps to monitor
abuses. But as the people in the north move out of the camps, these
paralegal systems, already under-funded and overstretched, will be
further taxed. “How will we find the resources to extend these
services?” asked one human rights activist. “There is much that needs
to happen.”
Another consequence of the increased movement of people out of the
camps has been a surge in land disputes. There is only one High Court
in northern Uganda based in Gulu district. The court has a backlog of
3,000 cases and the majority of the judges handle only civil cases. As
displaced persons begin to return to their original homes, there are
virtually no mechanisms in place to handle land disputes. At present
2,000 applications are pending before land tribunals set up two years
ago, and there is little chance the one high court will become involved
in the process.
The lack of resources and political will within the government of
Uganda will be felt even more keenly by those who have been the most
vulnerable to abuses --- women and children. Periodically since 2004
the Lord’s Resistance Army has released child combatants to be reunited
with their families. Recently, there have been increasing reports of
these children being rejected and forced onto the street. “We have to
help these children,” said one human rights activist. “They have to
start some sort of life. They have missed death so narrowly that we
have to help them heal – slowly, slowly but we must do it.” Young
girls, returning as child mothers, are particularly vulnerable. When
resources become tight in the IDP camps, the returning children are
usually the first to be accused. “People say – ‘How can you sleep on a
nice mattress when you have caused these problems for us?’” The Amnesty
Commission, a government body entrusted with sensitizing local
communities where former LRA are returning, is unable to carry out
follow up activities due to a lack of funds.
In Lira, which is a kind of indicator for the future of Acholiland, it
seems that the most vulnerable IDPs, such as the elderly, disabled,
widows and orphans, will continue to live in the camps after everyone
else has returned home. It is the government of Uganda’s responsibility
to provide protection to its vulnerable citizens. Its policy of
prolonged encampment has destroyed many of the traditional survival
tactics that people have used in the past, leaving the most vulnerable
more in need of protection.
Refugees International, therefore, recommends that the Government of
Uganda:
- Investigate all
allegations of abuse and exploitation and hold accountable senior UPDF
officials who have committed violations.
- Ensure that UPDF
troops stationed at IDP camps receive training and sensitization to
curb human rights violations.
- Begin a vetting
process to screen out human rights violators from the police force.
- Fulfill previous
promises to fund human rights and police presence in the north and
actively recruit personnel for these functions.
- Strengthen the
provision of basic services in the camps by allocating the necessary
human and financial resources.
- Along with donor
governments, fully support specific programs to enhance IDP protection
in northern Uganda.
Sarah Martin and Kavita Shukla
assessed the situation for internally displaced people in northern
Uganda in November 2006.
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