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01/31/2007
Contacts: Maureen Lynch and Dawn Calabia
ri@refugeesinternational.org or
202.828.0110
Cote d’Ivoire was once considered
the showplace of West Africa. Since 2002, however, the country has been
wracked by internal conflict over national identity, voting rights, and
land tenure, which has divided the land of nearly 18 million people in
two. The government of President Gbagbo controls the prosperous south
and west while the opposing Force Nouvelle controls the physically
larger but poorer north. It is widely believed that the United
Nations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), largely funded by
the European Union to date, have prevented humanitarian emergencies in
the north and south. Displacement, continued violation of human
rights, and an undetermined level of humanitarian need plague the
nation.
The civil war produced large scale
displacement: the exodus of some 400,000 migrants to their neighboring
homelands; the flight of some 15,000 Ivorian refugees to neighboring
states; the movement of an estimated 500,000 to the south. A still
unknown number has been displaced in the north. The flight of civil
servants from the north left that 60 percent of the country without
administrators, police, teachers, water and sanitation services, health
care workers and road maintenance. Diseases that were under
control are flourishing again. The World Health Organization is
concerned that a recent outbreak of yellow fever, an increase in water
borne diseases due to deteriorating water systems and sanitation, as
well as the impact of recurrent malaria and increasing HIV/AIDs, could
further threaten public health.
Fundamental rights are violated on
a daily basis. One NGO worker told Refugees International, “There are
still killings, disappearances, and death threats.” Numerous
security and identity checkpoints subject the population not only to
physical risks but also to lost income and work opportunities. Detained
individuals experience endless delays, constant harassment, and
extortion from armed elements on both sides, who frequently confiscate
or destroy papers, seize goods, arrest travelers, or physically abuse
and even rape vulnerable travelers. A person might be pressed to give
between $1-10 (of a $30 monthly income) to regain freedom of
movement. Human rights workers told RI, “Checkpoints are places
where women are set aside and sexually assaulted. The bus leaves and
they are alone. This is a hidden problem, but is increasing.”
The majority of the internally
displaced moved in with relatives or friends, following West African
traditions. Some 24,000 displaced government employees from the north
continued to receive their salaries in the south, but others soon
depleted their own resources and those of their families. In 2005 the
UN Development Program estimated that 44 percent of the country had
fallen below the poverty line.
Concern about the lack of knowledge
regarding displacement led the UN Population Fund in 2005 to sponsor
the first statistical study in the government-controlled south. The
study, released in 2006, estimated that 750,000 internally displaced
people (though the methodology has since been questioned by some) from
the rebel controlled north lived primarily with host families in the
south, many in deplorable conditions in shanty towns. For their part,
government officials gave an estimate to RI of two million IDPs,
heavily concentrated in Abidjan, the economic capital, and
Yamoussoukro, the political capital, with many needing aid. No data
existed on IDP numbers in the north. Last year the government, prompted
by the UN, encouraged the return of more civil servants to the north
and held school exams for the first time in several years. According to
RI’s interlocutors, in the northern area of Bouake school exams as
expected had prompted the return of many families and some civil
servants.
With individual resources rapidly
being depleted, aid is required, but the level is not clear. One
humanitarian noted, “People being displaced are not in real need,” but
an official noted, “There is real humanitarian need here. People
don’t think there is an emergency because there aren’t camps.” The
representative of an inter-governmental agency added, “About 30,000 of
the most vulnerable are in shanty towns in Abidjan.”
Despite large scale displacement,
there is only one official IDP camp, the Center for Assistance to
Temporarily Displaced (CATV) located in the west, which houses over
7,000 mostly ethnic Burkinabe (also spelled Burkina-be and Burkina be,
identifying people once from Burkina Faso) in Guiglo. The camp, located
in close proximity to a UN peacekeeping encampment, is operated by the
International Organization for Migration but is transitioning to
management by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), which in 2006 accepted responsibility for IDP
protection under the UN cluster approach and undertook an IDP
assessment in November.
IDP camp residents expressed their
gratitude to IOM, UNHCR and UN peacekeepers for protection, aware that
local insecurity had led to attacks on and the burning of UN offices.
After four years in the small camp, some complained about overcrowding,
poor shelter, insufficient sanitation, a lack of mosquito nets and
mats. Universally, the residents decried the lack of education for
children and skills training or income generation activities for youth
and adults. One resourceful woman started a tailoring apprentice
program aiding 20 young woman, but the camp leaders worried that most
youth and adult had nothing to do and little hope for the future. “We
have no hope here,” said the youth spokesman, “please resettle us
somewhere.”
An elderly man apologized for the
complaints, “We are sorry we have to ask for things now, we left our
plantations, our villages in a hurry and could not take anything. Now
we are getting food, shelter and even the clothes I am wearing.
But if I had land, I would not beg. I could produce enough for food,
clothing. Get us back to the land.”
Another man said his family was
attacked on his plantation in January 2002 and forced to live in the
bush until they reached the camp in October 2003. His parents later
returned to Burkina Faso, but he wanted to remain, hoping for
reconciliation. NGOs and the international community are working with
communities to encourage reconciliation through ceremonies and
agreements that would make it possible for these skilled IDP farmers
and businessmen to go back.
Large-scale returns of IDPs have
been prevented by insecurity, impunity, and violent outbreaks
particularly in the west, despite the existence of a UN peacekeeping
mission (UN Operations in Cote d’Ivoire –UNOCI) since 2004 and the
presence of French forces and joint patrols. Attacks and general
lawlessness in the Zone of Confidence, which separate the two sides and
is patrolled by UN and French forces, cause additional displacement,
whose ripple effects in turn displace other minorities in the
west. The Economic Community of West Africa and the African Union
have mediated and negotiated peace accords with the two parties but
none has been fully implemented.
The continuing crisis now requires
government action, with the support of the international community, to
focus on medium and long-term development initiatives that will make
possible local integration in safety and dignity for the displaced.
Refugees International recommends:
Côte d’Ivoire: Children and Youth Call for Status and Safeguards
Côte d’ Ivoire: Address Root Causes of Conflict to Prevent and Reduce Statelessness
Cote d’Ivoire: Support local integration for Liberian refugees
Refugee Voices: Forced displacement in western Cote d’Ivoire
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