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03/15/2005
Contacts: Mamie Mutchler and Andrea Lari
ri@refugeesinternational.org or 202.828.0110
Groups of Afro-Colombians, after years of displacement in urban areas,
have established peace settlements back on their collectively owned
land, but increasing insecurity caused by the armed conflict in
Colombia is threatening these settlements. Different armed groups,
including the national army, are attempting to break their nonviolent
resistance in order to enhance their military strategy and the
communities are losing confidence in the capacity of the Colombian
government to provide them with the necessary protection.
Returning displaced persons have established peace settlements in
approximately 50 communities in Uraba province. In these
settlements every single family agrees to maintain a rigid stand of not
interacting with any armed actor, whether members of the FARC (the main
guerrilla force), the national army, or the right-wing paramilitary.
Their strategy is non-violent resistance to involvement in the
conflict. This means refusing any formal relation with individuals
carrying weapons, and aiming at self protection through building houses
close one another, fencing the settlement and cultivating collective
fields within its perimeter. This choice of autonomy carries with it a
high price: isolation, limited economic opportunities, and barely
acceptable living conditions, with no running water or electricity, and
no health or school facilities at hand.
Further, the choice of non-violent resistance is a challenge to all
armed actors, and the settlements are under constant pressure from them
to provide intelligence or material support. When these entreaties are
resisted, the response may be violent. In early March, eight people,
including outspoken leaders of the peace community of San Jose de Apartado and their families, were massacred by individuals
wearing uniforms.
In February Refugees International visited the community of Nueva Vida,
located in the Uraba region of Cacarica, along a tributary of
the Bajo Atrato River. Their displacement took place in February 1997
following a counterinsurgency operation coordinated between the XVII
Carepa Brigade of the Colombian Army and groups of paramilitaries. A
villager told Refugees International, "The community leaders were
gathered and the commander said we had three days to leave our houses
since they needed to look for the guerrilla. Then helicopters came
dropping bombs and shooting. Our houses were looted and more than 80
people died. We all fled, some using boats to reach Turbo, a nearby
town, others escaped by land seeking sanctuary on the mountains or
crossing into Panama."
The group of more than 3,000 people who reached the city was taken by
the police to Turbo's athletic facilities. While some food assistance
was provided, health conditions deteriorated rapidly. "Many children
and elderly were dying at the hospital. We had to do something so we
started to create a health committee and engage the authorities to
assist us properly," said one leader interviewed by RI. With the
support of faith-based activists and officials from the Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the group
elected 35 leaders to engage responsible authorities regarding
assisting them during their displacement and organizing the community's
return. The leaders drafted a plan for their return, which included the
establishment of humanitarian zones, unarmed protection through members
of independent judicial bodies, legal recognition of their land rights,
community based development projects and moral reparation for those
killed in the attack.
The first resettlement took place in 2001, but it did not work out
smoothly. The community suffered at least three incursions by the
paramilitary forces. Constant pressure was placed upon girls to provide
sexual favors to soldiers and upon young boys either to join the
network of informants or to work on the African palm oil and coca
plantations run by the paramilitary's leaders. The continued pressure
succeeded in breaking the community ties developed throughout the
negotiation of the resettlement process. The community split again,
with one group opting to reestablish a peace settlement.
This resettlement process represents an example of the tenacity and
strength of this Afro-Colombian community. It has been strongly
supported through the permanent presence of both the civilian
authorities mandated to provide protection, such as the Defensoria del
Pueblo [the Colombian equivalent of the Public Ombudsman's Office],
which can activate the early warning system and consequential
governmental protective measures in case of threats, and of members of
international and national voluntary groups. Living within the
community they represent a deterrent against potential attacks and can
generate international attention if needed. Finally, the community is
also part of the provisional security measures demanded of the
Colombian government by the Inter-American Court on Human Rights.
RI was impressed by the creativity and courage of this community. They
successfully solicited the involvement of community and government
representatives, UN and foreign embassy officials, and staff of
non-governmental organizations in a mixed verification commission to
oversee the return process. This body monitored the implementation of
the return agreement between the community leadership and the Colombian
authorities for a while and facilitated a degree of effective scrutiny.
The process also helped strengthen the community's organizational
capacity and its ability to identify the most appropriate options for
the future.
Although there have not been recent attacks on Nueva Vida, the security
situation remains tenuous. Paramilitaries have tried to enter the
community despite being repeatedly alerted of the prohibition to do so.
Not far from the settlement, on community owned land, the
paramilitaries have a permanent base in Balsa. In this context,
security can deteriorate quickly.
The responsible authorities have also shown signs of disengagement. The
mixed verification commission has not met since March of last year. In
2004 the Defensor del Pueblo visited the community only three times
instead of the planned 12, casting doubts about its capacity to
activate the early warning system when required. Key aspects of the
resettlement agreement remain pending. The community's rights have not
been restored on significant portions of their lands, including
compensation for illegal exploitation of timber, while the dredging of
the river which allows vital access to the settlement has been
suspended. In addressing these pending issues, the Government of
Colombia, with the support of the United Nations, should respect the
choices expressed by the community. This would make the peace community
a safe and sustainable option for resettled people and ultimately
provide guidance for other groups undertaking resettlement elsewhere in
the country.
Refugees International therefore
recommends that:
The Government of Colombia
Post-9/11 Security Laws Hampering U.S. Refugee Resettlement Program
Colombia: Rural Peace Communities under Renewed Threat from Armed Actors
Colombia: Respect the Rights of Displaced Persons
Colombia: No Incentives to Paramilitary until Victims of Violence Receive Reparations
Colombia Cannot Deny Internal Armed Conflict
Colombian Refugee Voices: Urban displacement in Soacha
Saiza Voices: Massacre and Return
One World: Community Leader's Death Highlights Danger of Resisting Violence in Colombia
Colombia: RI to Focus on Plight of Civilians Displaced by Conflict
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