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08/09/2004
Gaining the right to vote in faraway places
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Copyright (c) 2004, Chicago Tribune
Warlords, 8 million voters and
elections in Afghanistan
By Larry Thompson and Scott Schirmer.
Larry Thompson and Scott Schirmer were recently in Afghanistan for
Refugees International, the Washington-based humanitarian advocacy
organization.
August 4, 2004
In the Shangri-La valley of Bamiyan, Afghans happily show you their
voter registration cards--but won't tell you who they will vote for in
the presidential elections, twice-delayed but now scheduled for Oct. 9.
Nearly everyone in Bamiyan was a refugee or displaced person 2 1/2
years ago. Today, people are home and registered to vote in what are
planned to be Afghanistan's first national elections since 1969--and
the first ever to elect a president.
Despite insecurity in much of the country, the number of registered
voters now exceeds 8 million out of an estimated 9.5 million eligible
to vote. More than 40 percent of the registrants are women.
The United States and the United Nations support the elections as the
biggest step yet in a process to establish a democratic government in
this poor Central Asian country, ripped apart by more than two decades
of Soviet invasion, civil war and extremist Taliban rule. But the road
to a successful election--and a decent government--is chock-full of
potholes.
The biggest problem is the warlords. Nearly every region, city and town
of Afghanistan has local unelected leaders. Some are thugs who command
a few armed men. Others command armies larger than the fledgling Afghan
national army and have revenue of millions of dollars weekly. The
warlords make money from narcotics trafficking, smuggling and land
grabs. Some warlords such as those affiliated with the remnant--but
resurgent--Taliban are hostile to the government; but most pretend to
cooperate. Several of the big warlords are cabinet ministers in the
provisional Afghan government.
If the elections fail in the eyes of the Afghan people, the warlords
will be responsible. The Taliban and Al Qaeda will attempt to disrupt
the elections by terrorism and intimidation. Warlords will try to
ensure that no local popular leaders rise up to challenge them and that
the authority of the central government is writ small in their
territory. (Our experience suggests that the warlords would not fare
well in a free election.)
The United States has a contradictory policy in Afghanistan. On one
hand, we support establishing a democratic government in Afghanistan
and the October elections. On the other, U.S. troops in Afghanistan
collaborate with warlords in their search for Osama bin Laden and Al
Qaeda forces. It's past time to reconcile this contradiction.
Failed elections this fall will stop progress toward democracy in
Afghanistan. Anti-democratic warlords and Taliban extremists will have
won a huge victory. The international community should, in its own
interests, ensure that Afghans can vote safely and prevent the
elections from being menaced and manipulated by the warlords. That
means the use of NATO and American soldiers in Afghanistan to ensure
election security. The U.S. must take the lead in this process.
The resources in Afghanistan are slender. NATO currently has 6,500
troops in Afghanistan with another 2,000 on the way. The U.S. and its
coalition partners have another 15,000 to 20,000--but, to our
knowledge, the coalition troops now have no plans to help in a major
way with the elections.
Even if all the military and civilian resources in Afghanistan are
devoted to ensuring election security, the resources still will be less
than the international community has had in comparable situations in
the past. In 1993, in Cambodia, 22,000 foreign military, police and
civilian officials helped with the elections--and Cambodia is one-third
the size of Afghanistan.
We asked a college-educated Afghan if the elections should be delayed
because of insecurity. "Why?" he asked. "We'll never be a democracy if
we don't start now." But if the elections fail, the Afghans likely will
lose confidence in the democratic process and the country will tilt
further toward becoming a narco-terrorist state ruled by regional
warlords until one warlord--probably the most brutal and
anti-democratic--gains control over the whole country. That happened in
the 1990s, with the resultant rise of the Taliban and Al Qaeda.
Progress in Afghanistan during the last two years has been
extraordinary. Three million refugees have returned home. Two years
ago, Bamiyan was rubble. Not a single building on the main street had a
roof. Today, the town is mostly rebuilt and bustling; farmers are
growing potatoes and wheat; two new hotels have been built in
anticipation of a tourist trade--and we noted the presence of five
Japanese tourists in Bamiyan.
Hard political decisions, however, have been put on the back burner by
both the provisional Afghan government and its foreign supporters,
especially the United States. Promoting successful elections and a
democratic future in the country and reducing the power of the warlords
are the two essential pillars of a successful policy in Afghanistan.
Afghanistan: Aid That Works, and Two Neglected Priorities
No Peace without Justice: Lessons from Haiti for Afghanistan
RI In the News - Violence Thwarts Help Needed in Iraq
June 2004 - Refugees International to Conduct Humanitarian Assessment Mission to Afghanistan
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