Mark Malan Weighs In On the Future of Peacekeeping

This past week, Foreign Policy Passport and U.N. Dispatch teamed up to host an online salon discussing the future of peacekeeping in light of current crises: UN Peacekeeping: Challenges and Opportunities for the Next Administration. Refugees International used this opportunity to discuss the challenges facing peacekeepers’ ability to bring about a stable peace so displaced people can return home.

Mark Malan, Refugees International’s Peacekeeping Program Officer, joined David Bosco, William Durch, Tod Lindberg and Eric Reeves in a longer conversation of the ins and outs of some of the current peacekeeping missions. Mark’s first post for the salon centered on the current African Union mission to Somalia and the debate taking place over sending an expanded UN mission to the country:

“….The African Union Mission in Somalia managed to deploy only a quarter of its authorized strength of 8,000 due to a combination of logistical constraints, financial shortfalls, and a lack of peace to keep. With only 2,000 AU troops in Somalia and only 9,000 in Darfur, in March 2008 the UN Security Council was seriously debating the notion of deploying 28,000 UN troops to Somalia.

The widening gap between aspirations and the implementation of successful peace operations is very evident. The multi-billion dollar question is: How do we close this gap? By simply saying "enough" and retreating from the peacekeeping enterprise, as happened in the mid '90s after the last big peak in global peace operations and some nasty experiences in the Balkans and Africa? By trying to expand the available means with the likes of the US-sponsored Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI), which aims to train a total of 75,000 peacekeeping troops -- mostly Africans -- by the year 2010? By commissioning another expert panel, like the one led by Lakhdar Brahimi in 2000 which produced very substantive recommendations on how to get the operational mechanics of UN peace operations right? Or by taking a really hard look at the mandate end and the peacemaking processes that precede the crafting of seemingly impossible mission mandates?”

To read the entire conversation between Mark and the other experts, check out U.N. Dispatch and FP Passport.

President’s Corner: The Need to Reverse Rising Food Prices

Everywhere I go, whether to church or to cocktail parties, people are talking about the global food crisis. It’s about time.

While food prices have been rising for more than a year, it is only in the last few months, as food riots rippled through the developing world and the World Food Program began to warn of acute food shortages and budgetary shortfalls, that they began to attract the attention of policy makers in the West.

The Financial Times and The New York Times began writing about the food crisis last year, but the articles attracted little attention. Food banks and community organizations across the U.S. used higher food prices in their 2007 year end appeals, but then the problem seemed limited to the poor. Sharp increases in the price of eggs, milk, bread and meat in the U.S. have brought the problem home in the U.S. Food prices are now an economic and political issue, both a local and a global issue.

This week The Washington Post began a magnificently detailed five-part series on the global food crisis. Today’s story attributes the problem to glitches in global markets. Rather than let markets function freely, several rice and grain exporting countries have stopped exports in order to keep domestic prices low.

As Refugees International reports on its website, rising food prices will have a particularly harmful impact on displaced people, such as the more than two million people in camps in Darfur or the nearly five million displaced Iraqis, because they often can’t work and are removed from their fields and farms. Rations for many displaced people have been cut.

Higher prices already are leading to increases in planted acreage for harvests later this year, but that won’t be enough, particularly, as some analysts fear, if global warming makes crop disasters in some parts of the world more common in the future. The U.S. and other countries have to start making a number of changes, both to deal with the current crisis and to head off future food shortages.

First, the U.S. should stop subsidizing the use of food to make fuel, such as ethanol. By some estimates 25% of our corn crop is being turned into ethanol, a policy that is starving the poor to gas up SUVs. It makes much more sense to cut gasoline demand through conservation than to boost gas supply by burning food products in cars. Plus, improved conservation will have the added benefit of reducing upward pressure on oil prices, which is one of the forces behind rising food prices.

Second, we need a renewed push to bring the “green revolution” to Africa, which was largely bypassed by the improvements in rice and other crops that have helped cut starvation in Asia in Latin America over the last 50 years. Moreover, crop yields in developing countries have been rising at a slower rate since the 1960s, so a new push toward agricultural productivity is necessary. A number of foundations are working on this, but this needs to become a world-wide push, boosted by new infusions of government funds.

Third, trade rules for agriculture need to be streamlined. A combination of crop subsidies and export controls distort market forces, often at the expense of poorer countries. While markets aren’t always friendly to everybody, over time they will lead to a better allocation of resources to meet world food needs.  

Josette Sheeran, who heads the World Food Program, has described the impact of high food prices in graphic terms. “For the middle classes, it means cutting out medical care. For those on $2 a day, it means cutting out meat and taking the children out of school. For those on $1 a day, it means cutting out meat and vegetables and eating only cereals. For those on 50 cents a day, it means total disaster,” she said in a recent issue of The Economist. In the U.S. rising food prices are a matter of economics and politics, but in much of the world rising food prices are a matter of life and death.

--Ken Bacon

Burma: Humanitarianism on the rocks?

The following is an Alertnet blog post by Joel Charny, Refugees International’s vice-president who visited Burma to look at the growing lack of aid there.

Burma is a place of widespread misery. The indicators are alarming: one in 10 children don't see their fifth birthday, the highest rate outside Africa except for Afghanistan; malaria, a preventable disease, is the country's biggest killer; HIV rates are the highest in Southeast Asia.

Poverty, political persecution and human rights abuses have forced hundreds of thousands to flee their homes. There are an estimated 2 million Burmese in Thailand alone. Thousands of others cross the western border into Bangladesh and India. Although some find their way into refugee camps, the majority live an underground existence due to policies in all these countries aimed at discouraging asylum seekers.

The challenge of responding to the overall humanitarian needs of the Burmese people is immense. Yet I came away from a recent mission to Burma more inspired than depressed, inspired particularly by the Burmese, who are working within the constraints of an oppressive political system - sometimes with international support - to address the chronic deprivation that plagues their country. I met a Buddhist monk and a Christian aid worker, who are collaborating on education programs in eastern Burma, and I heard about an international organization working with informal groups of AIDS sufferers on health promotion and treatment. I concluded that donor governments were missing opportunities to support independent humanitarian work inside the country.

The obstacles to humanitarian action are formidable. The generals who run Burma are deeply suspicious of the motivations of the United Nations agencies and international non-governmental organizations. They block independent access to areas of conflict along the eastern border. They impose travel restrictions on international staff and, in the aftermath of the September 2007 popular protests, they have delayed granting and renewing visas, especially for personnel from countries perceived as hostile to their interests. In December they expelled the U.N. resident coordinator for issuing a statement linking the protests to poverty.

Outside the country humanitarian action is also circumscribed. The Thai government refuses to allow Burmese with refugee status to leave their camps and work legally. The United States has led the effort to resettle thousands of Burmese in third countries, but the camp populations have remained static amid reports that Burmese in Thailand are buying their way into the camps to fill slots vacated by resettled individuals, compromising the camps as places for refugee protection. Cross-border operations from Thailand, which provide health care and education in zones off-limits to Rangoon-based agencies, are the only way to reach several hundred thousand conflict-affected people, but the operations involve collaboration with armed groups and international staff presence is limited.

Despite these obstacles, independent humanitarian work is possible. The geographic scope of international aid organizations inside Burma has increased significantly in recent years. These programs rely heavily on local staff, who face fewer restrictions on their ability to travel and monitor work, and on partnerships with village-level groups, such as temple and church associations, small-scale credit schemes, groups of health promoters, and other informal, often unregistered entities.

Donors have been slow to respond to these developments. The United States, for example, directs the bulk of its aid to the refugee and cross-border operations, and places severe limitations on the amount and type of funding provided inside the country to convey its abhorrence of Burma's military government. Overall funding is so limited compared to the need that it forces the border-based and Rangoon-based organizations into an unseemly competition for a limited pot of resources, which helps feed rivalries and resentments between the two groups.

The recent policy adjustments of Britain's Department for International Development are very welcome in this context. It has committed to doubling its overall contribution to Burma over the next three years, from £9 million to £18 million, but as important is its commitment to approaching Burma holistically, assessing the entire situation as an interlocking set of humanitarian problems. DFID will allocate funds using humanitarian criteria, supporting programs where the need is greatest and organizations are able to respond to the need independently.

U.N. agencies and international non-governmental organizations need to make a conscious effort to find common ground on an overarching analysis of Burma's humanitarian problems and ways to address them in the current political environment. Organizations committed to the humanitarian principles of humanity, independence, and impartiality, whether they are based in Rangoon or along the Thai-Burma border, should come together to make a sustained case for increased aid. There is a strong incentive for the agencies to do so, because their ability to make a united case will encourage donors to commit additional resources. This in turn will increase the likelihood that more of the urgent needs of the Burmese people will actually be met.

--Joel Charny

DR Congo: Long Term Assistance Key to Stability in N. Kivu

Kirolirwe is a village situated in the mountains a few hours north of Goma, in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. It is a beautiful place, reminiscent of the Swiss Alps, with houses clinging to cliffs and cows balancing precariously on the steep hills. It is also currently home to several thousand internally displaced people who have sought refuge in an area controlled by the renegade forces of Laurent Nkunda.

Last week I visited Kirolirwe with my colleague Mpako. We are on mission in the eastern province of North Kivu, where fighting between various armed groups, including the Congolese military, has led to the displacement of more than half a million people. 

Access for humanitarian organizations to many displaced communities in North Kivu remains difficult not only because of ongoing fighting but also because of the poor conditions of the roads. The road from Goma to Kirolirwe is steep and winding in parts, and with the recent rains quite muddy. At one point our 4x4 slipped into a ditch on the path up to the site where the displaced are living. Thankfully several local people came to dig us out and helped to push the car free.

The displaced people in Kirolirwe have been living in huts that they built out of mud since last fall when they fled fighting in their villages. At the moment, their basic needs are being met -- agencies have distributed food and plastic sheeting, and latrines have been built on the site. They are also often able to work in local fields in exchange for some food or money to supplement the assistance they receive. UN peacekeepers from the nearby base patrol often, and the displaced told us that they do not feel threatened by the presence of the Nkunda's troops.

What is needed now for these people, and for the displaced in many other parts of North Kivu we visited, is support for longer-term activities, particularly education. Although extra classrooms were built by an international organization for the local school in Kirolirwe in order to absorb the newly arrived children, two mothers I spoke with told me that their children are now being chased away because they cannot pay the school fees, even though education for the displaced is supposed to be free (the school fees go to pay teachers who are not being paid by the state).

Access to education is vital for all displaced children in North Kivu. Children who are not in school are much more vulnerable to forced recruitment by armed groups like Nkunda's; we saw many of his soldiers in Kirolirwe who looked much younger than 18. Going to school despite being displaced from their homes also allows children to maintain their sense of dignity and purpose.

All of the displaced we met with in North Kivu want to return home as soon as possible. Many are hopeful that the recent Goma Peace Conference will bear fruit and that the ceasefire between all armed groups will hold. But lasting peace and stability in North Kivu will not be immediate and it will take time for the conditions to be in place so that people can return home once again. What is needed now from the international community is not just lifesaving assistance, but also support for activities like education and livelihood programs in order to improve the conditions in which the displaced are forced to live.

--Camilla Olson

President’s Corner: Off the Headlines, Death and Displacement Continues in Darfur

“I am extremely disappointed at the lack of progress on all fronts in the efforts to address the situation in Darfur,” UN Secretary General Ban Ki moon said last week in his quarterly report to the Security Council on the deployment of the UN-African Union peacekeeping force (UNAMID).

“The parties appear determined to pursue a military solution; the political process [is] stalled; the deployment of UNAMID is progressing very slowly and continues to face many challenges; and the humanitarian situation is not improving.” In fact, the report notes that 60,000 additional people were displaced in the first three months of the year. It also details continuing rapes of women and girls and difficulty in getting humanitarian aid to large parts of Western Darfur.

The Darfur crisis, where an estimated 400,000 people have been killed and more than 2.5 million displaced, is now more than five years old. Despite efforts by President Bush, two heads of the UN, and a number of other world leaders, the crisis is no closer to resolution now than when it started. Indeed, what began as a fight between rebel groups in Darfur and Sudanese army and the deadly militias it arms to destroy villages, has now become a regional dispute, with increased fighting across the border between Chad and Sudan, Mr. Ban notes in his report.

Although ending the war in Darfur will never be easy, there are several moves the U.S. and other countries can take right now.

First, UNAMID continues to plea for helicopters and other necessary equipment. The U.S. should convene a Protect the People of Darfur conference and lead the world in producing the support the Darfur peacekeeping force needs. Second, that conference should take two other steps necessary to pressure both the government of Sudan and the fractious rebel groups to get to the peace table. The U.S. and its European and Middle Eastern allies should impose strict travel sanction on Sudanese government and rebel leaders until they reach a peace agreement. In addition, arms embargos on both the government and rebel groups should be closely enforced.

These two steps would help protect the people of Darfur, who are suffering while the world worries about what to do next.

--Ken Bacon

DR Congo and Iraq: Activism for Refugees on Capitol Hill

Over the past 3 weeks, I’ve had the opportunity to escort grassroots activists from around the country to meet with their elected officials and engage congressional staffers on the humanitarian crises in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Iraq. On both a personal and professional level, working with the grassroots activists in forums like the Global Day of Action for Congo and the Iraq Advocacy Days is extremely encouraging and energizing.

Accompanying grassroots activists as they meet with the elected officials that represent them, affirms for me that the work we do is relevant not only to those of us here in Washington, but that the issues we are covering have resonance in all the corners of the country. It’s abundantly clear that the most effective way to affect real and meaningful change is when the citizens of the country, state or district become engaged in an issue and demand of their policy makers active responses to a concern. And so, I was honored to participate with the activists who took time out of their schedules, and paid out of their pockets for the opportunity to advocate on behalf of Congolese and Iraqi civilians.

The Congo lobbying forum was the first of what may become an annual forum to highlight the profound humanitarian needs in that region. Working with a representative of the organization Run for Congo Women from Arizona, I had the opportunity to meet with staff who work with the Arizona senators and one house member. It was discouraging that the staff had very little knowledge of the incredible crisis that is taking place in the Congo. At the same time, it was energizing to sit with a citizen who was deeply committed to alleviating the suffering of the Congolese, and educate the policy staff on the humanitarian needs. I am hopeful that the members we met with will take to heart that in their home states and districts, their constituents are not only concerned with the Congo, but will monitor what the Senators and Congressman are doing to respond.

This week, I was also fortunate to work with four Sisters of the Dominican order to meet with California officials about the needs of Iraqi refugees and internally displaced people. Because Iraq is a much more high profile issue, all the staff we met with knew of the crisis, and were prepared with the positions their bosses had on the various talking points we presented. Yet, it was still clear to me that the staffers were impressed by the energy and enthusiasm displayed by the sisters. These four women spent two full days walking nonstop around Capitol Hill to deliver messages that were deeply troubling, yet managed to keep smiles on their faces and an upbeat attitude to their work.

From a professional perspective, it was exciting for me to work with these activists, because I know it will make our work at Refugees International more effective now that the elected officials are hearing from their constituents. On a personal level, however, working with the constituents gave me even more motivation and energy to continue to work diligently to find meaningful and lasting solutions to the humanitarian crisis in Iraq, Congo and around the world.

--Jake Kurtzer

Sign the Humanitarian Pledge for Iraqi refugees and support the millions of Iraqis displaced within and outside Iraq.

Burma: Are solidarity and humanitarian response incompatible?

I am new to work on Burma, but in my eight weeks of involvement to date I am finding the world of Burma advocacy rigid and doctrinal. There is just one overarching narrative: the struggle of the Burmese democracy movement, led by Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, against the repressive Burmese generals. It is a classic tale of good vs. evil, and thus perfect for political mobilization on behalf of a just cause.

The problem is that the political struggle is stuck, while the Burmese people suffer in isolation. Refugees International is presently attempting to interject humanitarian considerations into the discussion of how to respond to the current stalemate. Based on our recent assessment mission inside the country, we believe that it is possible for independent non-governmental organizations to address the needs of the 55 million people inside Burma without benefiting the generals. Many in the Burma solidarity movement disagree, believing that no independent work inside the country is possible and any aid provided merely gives comfort to the regime. Therefore, the only humanitarian assistance provided should be through cross-border operations from Thailand that reach only a tiny portion of the population in areas of eastern Burma, where ethnic minority armies are resisting the government.

There is certainly room for principled debate on these issues. But based on my experience with Burma advocacy so far, the political solidarity groups prefer rather to rely on emotional appeals and misinformation about the operating environment for humanitarian organizations inside the country.

I reach this tentative (and, I hope, incorrect) conclusion based on a panel discussion I attended last week at a leading think tank. It was a typical Washington Burma panel discussion with three like-minded individuals --- two Burmese activists, including one who had just received a high-profile award from First Lady Laura Bush at a gala event the previous evening, and a former National Security Council staffer --- who hold views that reinforce the overarching Burma narrative. In their formal presentations not one alluded to the humanitarian problems inside the country.

That was disappointing, but not surprising. But when I raised a question about the panel's views on assistance inside the country, I was stunned by the misrepresentations. As her first example of the operating environment being untenable, one panelist stated that the UN World Food Program had withdrawn from Burma. I had to immediately interrupt and state that this was untrue. In fact, not only is WFP still present, but it is considered the most effective UN agency in the country, providing food assistance through a variety of programs to more than a million people. It went downhill after that.

The Burma solidarity adherents often evoke "the courageous Burmese people" to support the aid embargo. This is an easy rhetorical device, and may sound plausible, but it is based on discussions with a narrow set of political actors, most of them outside the country. The Burmese I spoke to during my ten days in Burma were furious about the aid embargo, and equally angry about the nerve of people living in comfort in the United States claiming to speak on their behalf.

This is a debate among elites, in which ordinary Burmese play no role. Aid to Burma has become politicized, to the detriment of the Burmese people and humanitarian principle. The overarching goal of RI's Burma work is to change this situation. It's not going to be easy.

--Joel Charny

Uprooted in Iraq on NBC

Refugees International’s new report, Uprooted and Unstable: Meeting Urgent Humanitarian Needs in Iraq is getting nationwide media attention, including this clip on NBC's website. During a mission inside Iraq, researchers for Refugees International found that Iraqi militias are creating a Hezbollah-like dynamic by becoming major humanitarian providers of food, clothing, oil and other basic resources.

Watch the video, featuring an interview with Refugees International's Kristele Younes, below.

Uprooted in Iraq

You can also listen to an interview with Nir Rosen, co-author of the report, on NPR's Morning Edition.

Aid workers face taxing time in Somalia

The following is an Alertnet blog post by Patrick Duplat, one of Refugees International’s advocates who visited Somalia in March to look at the growing humanitarian crisis there. CNN profiled their mission and Refugees International’s findings in an exclusive interview with Patrick and advocate Erin Weir. Visit our website to read our recent report, “Somalia: Proceed with Caution”.

When I first travelled to Somalia three years ago, flying to the country required little logistical preparations (only faith in the pilot's abilities). Outside of Mogadishu, few cities had tarmac runways, and most landing strips amounted to little more than dirt tracks. Arriving from Kenya, the welcoming committee in Somalia consisted of camels and goats, rather than border guards. After all, this was a country with no central government, and therefore no border checks, visas or passport controls.

Today the airports have changed little, but non governmental organisations (NGOs) operating in South Central Somalia - already considerably constrained by security threats - have to face a bevy of bureaucratic hurdles.

In Nairobi, I was told I needed to apply for a visa at the Somali Embassy. A little intrigued, I paid the required $100 and hopped on the U.N. plane to a city on the coast just south of Mogadishu. Upon arrival, there was no one to check my passport. Only when I was about to leave a few days later was I asked to pay $25 for the benefit of the local authorities. On the way back to Nairobi, the plane refueled in Baidoa, a city in central Somalia and the temporary seat of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). During the 15-minute stopover, a plain clothed government official asked for $20 from each passenger for landing fees. The precise reasoning behind these fees is mysterious, as all of these 'taxes' were being levied at airports that are maintained, and operated entirely by the United Nations. All passengers protested but to no avail.

Somalia is in the midst of its worst humanitarian crisis in the past two decades. The U.N. Refugee Agency estimates that there are more than 1 million people displaced inside the country, with hundreds of thousands more seeking refuge in neighboring countries. Insecurity is rampant, with even previously stable parts of the country like Puntland becoming no-go zones for international aid workers. In its recent report Somalia: Proceed with Caution, Refugees International calls for increased attention on the world's most neglected crisis - and warns that political progress is crucial to improving the humanitarian situation.

The TFG has not been able since its creation in 2004 to exert a strong presence in the country, despite international recognition and financial support. Its relationship with non-governmental organizations has been, up to now, ad hoc and redundant. For example, aid agencies have had to work with several different ministries, apply for multiple permits, as well as pay local and national fees. Roadblocks by TFG soldiers, among many others, have severely complicated the delivery of aid.

Beyond the bureaucratic hurdles, government forces have been repeatedly implicated in the harassment of humanitarian workers. A Somali aid staff told me: "When I drive from Mogadishu to the displacement camps just outside the city, the car keeps getting stopped by policemen. They took away my mobile phone three times".

Aid agencies have repeatedly asked for a point-person in the TFG to streamline procedures and clarify guidelines. While it's clear that all parties to the conflict try to take advantage in some ways of the presence of humanitarian actors, it's a particular discouraging sign to see governments hamper (unintentionally or not) humanitarian assistance.

Embassies, visas, taxes and airport duties should be seen as positive signs on the way to a country's development. They generate revenues and promote the country's interests. In Somalia however, the dysfunctional system underscores the government's fragile territorial hold and the fragmentation of power down to local interests.

Somalia faces immense hurdles in its quest for stability. Clearly, the focus of the government should be on gaining the trust of its people, rather than enforcing bureaucratic schemes which increase the opportunity for corruption and tax the very organizations which are trying to assist Somalis. Bureaucracy should not come before stability.

--Patrick Duplat

Sudan: The importance of being counted

Where will you be the night of April 14, 2008?

This question has taken on great significance for millions of Sudanese people. On a recent mission to south Sudan, I became aware of how important it is to ensure that people’s votes will be counted in the long-awaited Sudanese population census, which is expected to take place April 15 - 30.

When my colleague and I asked why so many people were rushing back to their home areas now after many years in exile during the north-south Sudan war, we were repeatedly told that people want to be back in time to be counted in the census. When wearing our Refugees International jackets, we were stopped by people asking us when the Sudanese refugees living in other countries are coming home, so that they can be counted too.

So why is this census so important? Over two decades of a horrific war between north and south Sudan ended with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005. This agreement set up wealth and power-sharing arrangements based on estimates of the populations of north and south Sudan, a national election in 2009 and a referendum on self-determination for the south in 2011. One requirement of the CPA is a population census. The CPA states that once citizens are counted, power-sharing between north and south Sudan will reflect the actual population in these regions. This will provide vital information for the planning of the election.

The northern government in Khartoum -- focused on its own survival and trying to de-rail planning for the elections and referendum – has done all it can to delay the census. The census was supposed to have been conducted by the end of 2007, but has been postponed multiple times. The Khartoum government has been slow to provide the funds for the census, and they have prolonged disputes over questions to be included.

If the census does go ahead next week, millions of Sudanese will still not be counted. By continuing the violence in Darfur, the northern government has ensured that it will be practically impossible to conduct the census in Darfur. Some Darfuri leaders refuse to take part in a census when over two million Darfuris have been forced from their homes, 250,000 of whom are living in Chad. Many thousands of refugees from the north-south war also still live in exile, yet no arrangements are being made to count Sudanese people currently outside the country.

Huge logistical challenges must be overcome, but the Government of Southern Sudan still says that it is planning to go ahead with the census in the south next week. If the Khartoum government fails to do so in the north, or creates more delays, it will be further evidence of their lack of commitment to the CPA. Despite flaws in the process, the census must move forward in those parts of Sudan where it can be carried out to lay the foundations for 2009 elections. The states which brokered the CPA – particularly the US Government - must not allow CPA milestones like the census to slip by without international attention and condemnation of those who breach the agreement.

Iraqi Refugees: A Pledge for the Displaced

Recently I had the privilege of representing Refugees International at Colby College. Colby hosted the event titled ‘The Quiet Catastrophe’ to highlight both the magnitude of the Iraqi refugee crisis and the feeble response by the United States.

As I drove to Waterville from Portland’s jetport, I was contemplating my remarks and how I would relate the trials and tribulations that the Iraqis refugees face on a daily basis. However, I didn’t notice how fast I was going until I noticed the signature blue and reds of a police cruiser behind me. Knowing the drill, I immediately reached into my pocket, and pulled out my driver’s license, a basic piece of identification. As I handed the license over, and prepared for the stern talking to I was to receive, it occurred to me that we in the United States tend to take for granted the status we have as citizens and the ease with which we can travel, work, and live.

While I knew I was going to be punished in some measure by the Maine State Trooper for driving too fast, I also knew that my right to stay in the state, and the country for that matter, was not at risk. A simple plastic card, with a picture and an address is all it takes – and it’s a reality that Iraqi refugees don’t have. The vast majority of Iraqi refugees in Jordan and Syria don’t have the luxury of legalized status in the countries in which they live, forcing them to exist in a state of perpetual fear and anxiety, not knowing when or where they may be arrested and threatened with detention or even worse, imprisonment.

The question was raised by the students about how do we help -- how does a student or an activist in the United States help support those Iraqis who have been displaced. The best answer is that all Americans -- students, activists and advocates must continue to demand of our elected officials, specifically the White House, to step forward, acknowledge the crisis, and take hold of the response. It is in our best interest to continue to demand of President Bush to take the lead and responsibility for assuring that millions of Iraqis have access to food, shelter, medical care and education, rather than languishing in urban slums and with the potential to further destabilize the region. It is unfair and unrealistic to expect Iraq’s neighboring countries or our allies to respond more robustly to the needs of Iraqis than we ourselves have. Raising our voices and urging our friends and family to act, is not only instrumental in instigating a official response, it also demonstrates to the Iraqis themselves that at least the citizens of the United States recognize and are concerned about their plight.

-Jake Kurtzer

Sign the pledge for Iraqi refugees here. This Humanitarian Pledge is a joint campaign by the Education for Peace in Iraq Center (EPIC), Refugees International, and other partnering organizations. Learn more about the pledge at www.IraqActionDays.org.

Somalia: Beyond the Brink

Somalia is frequently described as a country "on the brink." Some experts may tell you that this refers to Somalis being on "the brink" of disaster, or of collapse, as access to every life-sustaining service, such as food, water, and health care, is becoming more and more scarce, while the demand grows. But at a time when there are already roughly 700,000 Somalis internally displaced, an estimated 20,000 people leaving Mogadishu every month, and with insecurity so severe that the international humanitarian response is being operated almost entirely by ‘remote control’ from Nairobi, it would be reasonable to say that Somalia is already well over the edge.

In a March report from the UN Secretary General on the situation in Somalia, there seemed to be an indication that the country might be returning from the brink. The report speaks of a positive momentum toward peace negotiations, including the new Prime Minister’s openness to dialogue and outreach to opposition forces, the energy and commitment of new UN leadership, and the re-engagement of the UN Security Council.

However, this belies the ongoing realities on the ground. Insurgent groups seem to be making gains every day. Actions taken by the United States, such as the "surgical attack" on Doble in March, are undermining the credibility of the entire international community, including the UN. And the opposition forces, Somalia's security forces, and the Ethiopian military all continue to perpetrate gross human rights abuses against the Somali people.

Somalia is not "on the brink" at all -- it crossed that threshold some time ago. Rather, it is the international community that has come to the brink of a new sort or engagement in Somalia, and a major reassesment of old assumptions is in order.

After 17 years of ongoing engagement, the international community is finally realizing that 'business as usual' is not going to cut it this time around. Severe insecurity on the ground has meant that the standard approach of UN agencies and international non-profits depending on international staff is no longer feasible. Likewise, the UN system that has long supported the Somali government is finding that it’s losing credibility.

The trouble is that after years of inattention - including a notable lack of engagement during a period of overwhelming stability in 2006 - the world is looking for a silver bullet to 'fix' Somalia. What is needed here, however, is not just grand gestures. Somalia needs an honest, impartial engagement on issues such as the ongong human rights abuses displacing thousands. The US Congress, for example, should investigate any military support provided to Ethiopia to ensure it adheres to human rights principles outlined under US law. Furthermore, Somalia needs the international community to continue to support the institutions of the Transitional Federal Government without continuing to support the spoilers within those institutions.

The people of Somalia don't need big gestures, but rather a commitment to carrying out the small, incremental steps that will add up to a durable solution.

--Erin Weir

DR Congo: Conference Highlights Protection From Violence

On Monday we attended a day long conference on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) organized by Congo Global Action. The theme of the conference was "Connect for Congo: Working for Hope and Peace in the DRC."

The conference included different panels on issues related to peace and stability in the DRC. Of particular interest to us was the panel focused on gender-based violence -- an all too common occurrence particularly in eastern DRC. Many of those who are displaced in eastern DRC fled their homes because of human rights abuses, including sexual violence, that have been committed against them by various armed groups.

The panel on gender-based violence included Dr. Denis Mukwege Mukengere, who runs the Panzi Hospital in South Kivu, recently featured on 60 minutes. At the Panzi Hospital, Dr. Mukwege treats survivors of sexual violence, many of whom suffer from physical and psychological wounds long after they have been raped. This violence is most commonly carried out by the many rebel groups in eastern DRC but also often by soldiers with the Congolese national army. Dr. Mukwege pointed out the disturbing trend that more and more civilians are sexually assaulting women and girls. And there continues to be a culture of impunity in the country for perpetrators of sexual violence.

While women are at the frontline as targets for sexual violence, the impact that rape has had on communities in eastern DRC is immense. Dr. Mukwege explained that women who have been raped are often rejected by their husbands in the DRC. Many men are psychologically traumatized when their wives or daughters are raped because they were unable to help them from being attacked. So the men reject these women out of their own shame and inability to deal with the situation. Men affected by the rape of a spouse or family member clearly also need counseling and support to deal with such a traumatic event.

In addition to medical and psycho-social support, what people in eastern DRC need first and foremost is protection from the armed groups who carry out these acts of violence. Several Congolese speakers at the conference pointed out the urgent need for peace and security in eastern Congo. Even members in the audience from the Congolese Diaspora expressed their frustration at what they said was the inability of the international community to stop the violence in eastern DRC and assist those most in need.

Civilian protection in the DRC rests first and foremost with the Congolese government, but in the eastern part of the country, the government has little control over the various rebel groups or even its own army, the FARDC, who continue to commit abuses against civilians. The international community, including the UN Peacekeeping Mission in the DRC, is working to assist and protect civilians in eastern DRC, but many Congolese still do not feel protected.

We will be traveling to the DRC on an assessment mission in a few days. We plan to speak with displaced people in eastern DRC to learn what their needs are and how best the local authorities and the international community can further assist them so that they will feel safe and able to return to their homes once again. Check back here for our blog posts from the field.

-- Camilla Olson and Mpako Foaleng

Hmong: Ending the Incarceration In Nong Khai

Since December 2006, the government of Thailand has imprisoned 152 Laotian Hmong in a two-room immigration jail near the Laos border. This group of Hmong, many of whom had fought alongside the United States, threatened suicide rather than being forcibly returned to Laos. They feared being handed over to a government that credible reports indicate has detained, tortured, abused and killed Hmong for suspected involvement in an insurgency or for holding anti-government views.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) found the Hmong held at Nong Khai were refugees and therefore not subject to forced return. Although they were eligible for international resettlement, the government ignored UNHCR’s findings. Under a new border agreement signed between Thailand and Laos, the Hmong, who entered Thailand illegally, must be returned to the Laotian government, regardless of concerns about past abuse.

Last August, the UN and the diplomatic community denounced the increasingly inhumane conditions of detention: 77 children including 9 infants held in a tropical climate in two overcrowded rooms with two water taps and no outdoor exercise. The US, Canada, Australia and the Netherlands decried the threats of forced returns and repeated offers to resettle the Hmong. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Secretary-General requested the release of the group and permission for them to resettle. Thai authorities still refused, but agreed to some improvements of conditions. The U.S. funded daily medical care and construction of new shelter. The imprisoned Hmong were permitted some time outdoors, additional food, and a place for children to play. But the threats of forced return continued.

Recently, five more infants were born to imprisoned families. The Hmong cling to their belief of their right to flee abuse and persecution and to expect a just government to verify and recognize their claims to refuge. After all, that is what international law requires, even for non-signatories of the Refugee Convention.

Last week in Washington, Thailand’s new Foreign Minister outlined broad plans for new Thai leadership in regional affairs. Refugees International’s President Emeritus, Lionel Rosenblatt, asked about the jailed Hmong and 8,000 other Hmong in army custody in Petchabun. The new Thai Foreign Minister answered publicly that his government would not forcibly return the Hmong. The Foreign Minister took note that this issue involved many parts of the government -- the National Security Council, the military, the Ministry of Interior, etc. -- and that Thai policy toward future "resettlement'" depended on the government of Laos, where there might now be some flexibility.

RI welcomes the Foreign Minister’s pledge that forced repatriations were no longer Thai policy. The next steps from the new government should be moving the 152 Hmong at Nong Khai to humane, healthy and less restrictive conditions and developing a transparent fair refugee screening process for Hmong and other asylum seekers. Thai refugee screening should reflect international refugee law – taking into account a person’s past or present persecution because of race, creed, political opinion, membership or association with particular groups. Those recognized as refugees, who abide by Thai law, should never fear forced return and be able to apply for resettlement or immigration abroad. Such steps would demonstrate again Thailand’s traditional respect for human life and human rights.

--Dawn Calabia