Colombia: Investing in People

President Bush is wrong to state that free trade will miraculously bring peace and democracy to Colombia as he urges Congress to approve a new free trade agreement with the country. In Monday night’s State of the Union speech, the President said, “The first agreement that will come before you is with Colombia, a friend of America that is confronting violence and terror, and fighting drug traffickers. If we fail to pass this agreement, we will embolden the purveyors of false populism in our hemisphere. So we must come together, pass this agreement, and show our neighbors in the region that democracy leads to a better life.”

As he has done so many times before, the President is equating trade with democracy, a statement that rings hollow for many people in Latin America. This is especially true in Colombia, where the income gap between society’s richest and poorest people continues to grow, making it one of the most unequal societies in the world. Free trade will undoubtedly benefit Colombia’s rich, who are already fully integrated into the global economy. But the poor of Colombia often fight just to survive, and their idea of fair trade is a job that pays a living wage and freedom from exploitation.

As part of its effort to promote more international trade, Colombia has promoted a controversial policy of converting small land holdings into huge agribusinesses. This has been most visible in the promotion of the African palm, which is produced in mass quantities to extract its valuable oils. While the production of African palm oil has increased Colombia’s international trade, it has had dire consequences for Colombia’s poor.

In many Afro-Colombian parts of the country, which often coincide with its poorest parts, local farmers have too often been displaced by conflict, only to find that their land has been expropriated illegally and converted into African palm plantations. This reverse land reform is one of the nastiest consequences of Colombia’s civil war, and is increasingly benefitting those who are active in global markets, not the poor.

President Bush has unfortunately failed to realize that improving people’s lives is how to promote peace and democracy. The US Congress is beginning to get this message, though, and has reversed the President’s policy of providing only $1 of development and humanitarian assistance for every $4 of military aid. Now, the proportions will be roughly equal, and the US will start to reverse the trend of promoting peace through military might in Colombia.

Instead of urging Congress to pass the Colombia Free Trade Agreement, President Bush should follow Congress’ lead and begin investing in Colombia’s people. When the country’s economy begins to benefit all, then we can begin to talk about promoting free trade with Colombia.

-Sean Garcia

State of the Union or State of Inaction?

On Monday night President Bush delivered his seventh and final State of the Union address. While I was fairly confident that I hadn’t misheard, I wanted to do some fact checking about the President’s priorities for Iraq. I scanned through the transcript of the speech and found that Iraq was mentioned 32 times. The same search function revealed that the word refugee did not appear, confirming what I had already known.

This administration has made the war in Iraq its domestic and international priority, yet refuses to acknowledge the widespread humanitarian catastrophe that has accompanied our military engagement. It is disheartening to me as a citizen of this country, that our elected leader, the president of the United States, would fail to take responsibility for a displacement crisis of this magnitude. The Middle East is currently hosting 2.5 million Iraqi refugees and there are over 2 million civilians in Iraq who have had to leave their homes for safer areas within Iraq. “A free Iraq will show millions across the Middle East that a future of liberty is possible. A free Iraq will be a friend of America, a partner in fighting terror, and a source of stability in a dangerous part of the world,” said the President. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine a stable Iraq or Middle East without a resolution to this refugee crisis.

President Bush has made changing hearts and minds around the world a focal point of his international agenda – at least in rhetoric. Last night’s speech included one simple line about Darfur: “America opposes genocide in Sudan.” Earlier this month, while welcoming the new United States envoy to Sudan, Rich Williamson, the President made a similar statement about Darfur: “My administration called this a genocide. Once you label it ‘genocide’ you obviously have to do something about it.” In his final year in office, there is more that can be done for Darfur. Enforcing a widely violated arms embargo, tightening the travel restrictions for the regime in Khartoum, and imposing stiffer economic and financial sanctions on the regime.

President Bush has one more year an office. His response to these two issues will tell the world that he is willing to back his rhetoric with real action. Not acting will speak louder still.

--Jake Kurtzer

President’s Corner: Sudan Continues to Outfox the West

Sudan’s brazen rejection of international rules and standards and the West’s feckless response continue to amaze me.

Refugees International just issued a report detailing violations of a United Nations Security Council Resolution designed to bar Khartoum from transferring arms to Darfur without UNSC approval. The RI report, citing evidence gathered by a UN panel of experts, lists a number of serious violations of the arms embargo, including the arrival of three Chinese “Fantan” ground attack jets in Darfur and two Russian Mi-24 attack helicopters.

I have seen rocket casings in Darfur with both Chinese and Russian markings on them. These were fired from the air on defenseless towns destroyed by government forces and government-backed militias. By some estimates 400,000 people have died in Darfur during five years of fighting and some 2.5 million have been displaced.

What has the U.S. done? It has called for a stronger arms embargo but done little to secure one or to punish the people who violate it.

Sudan’s president, Omar al Bashir, continues to travel and hob-nob with leaders around the world. In the last month or so he has been in Portugal and Turkey. Neither the UN, the U.S. nor the European Union has done anything to place travel and other restrictions on him, despite his government’s violation of the arms embargo.

Violating the arms embargo is not all al Bashir as done. Last April, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against Ahmed Haroun charging him with crimes against humanity and war crimes in connection with attacks in Darfur. The Khartoum government denied he was guilty and then went out of its way to thumb its nose at the ICC. According to Human Rights Watch, Haroun was named co-chair of a committee established to hear complaints from victims of human rights abuses and then it made him the government’s liaison with the new UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur. Khartoum has repeatedly delayed and obstructed the deployment of the expanded peacekeeping force.

Earlier this month, President al Bashir named Musa Hilal, one of the most notorious leaders of the government supported militias responsible for most of the killing in Darfur to a government post. Hilal, the Sudanese president said, had “contributed greatly to the stability and security in the region.”

President George Bush has accused the Sudanese government of sponsoring genocide in Darfur. The U.S. response—or lack of effective response—will be part of his legacy.

--Ken Bacon

Iraqi Refugees: Reasons to Hope

Last night, I heard Sayib*, a Fulbright scholar from Iraq, tell his story. He spoke at The Iraqi Refugee Crisis—Bearing Witness, an event hosted by the Open Society Institute in New York City. His father was kidnapped and killed, a brother was almost killed, and two other brothers were kidnapped, though they later returned, shaken and upset. After all of this Sayib and his family decided to leave Iraq and they now languish in Syria, unable to work. The violence Sayib’s family experienced in Iraq and their flight into Syria are not unique. In one way or another, I have heard these stories over and over again. However, for me the compassion in Sayib’s voice truly stood out. Despite all of things that happened to him and his family, he still has great confidence in Iraq’s future. “I’ve already lost a lot of friends,” he said. Let us hope he does not lose any more.

The event also included a short lecture from Advocate Kristele Younes on what needs to be done to alleviate the crisis, as she continues to successfully publicize Iraqi refugees’ needs. In addition, Kristele and RI President Ken Bacon published an op-ed in the Washington Post Outlook section describing where Iraqi refugees have fled and the level of aid needed to help them.

Policy makers are hearing our call. Late last week, Congressmen Alcee L. Hastings and John Dingell sent a letter urging President Bush to do more for Iraqi refugees. They asked for next year’s budget to include $1.5 billion for Iraqi refugees, including humanitarian support for Iraqis displaced inside their country and bilateral assistance to help Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon cope with the influx of refugees.

The 4.5 million refugees within and outside of Iraq require long term, comprehensive assistance until conditions in Iraq become safer for their return. Refugees International will continue our efforts to ensure that such assistance is given.

* Name changed to protect his identity.

Central African Republic: Hope and Cynicism

There is a small rural community in northwestern Central African Republic, right on the border with Chad. It is a remote village in a remote region in what is essentially a forgotten part of the world. As the crow flies, it lies about 400km north of the capital Bangui, but to drive there would take more than 12 hours on rocky dirt roads.

Initially, I hadn’t planned to go there as part of Refugees International’s two-week assessment mission. But on the advice of an aid worker, my colleague and I took a detour from the main road. We were on a narrow pathway, and could tell we were the first car to use it in weeks, as the tire tracks were separated by tall grass.

The northwest is one of the most densely populated regions of CAR – and it’s rare to drive more than a few kilometers without coming across a village. In this case however, we didn’t see anything – save for the dense vegetation on either side – for the first half hour. We stopped, thinking we were headed in the wrong direction. That’s when we reached the village we were seeking.

Most of the houses on either side of the road had been abandoned for more than two years – since the Central African armed forces had burned the village and killed a man. This was a rebel-controlled area, and civilians were suspected of aiding the armed rebellion. Today, the villagers lived a few kilometers away from the road, in makeshift dwellings. We spoke to the head teacher of the community, a middle-aged man named Isaac. He had come back that day to use the school facilities. When he heard the sound of our car approaching, he instructed all the children to flee back to the bush – as motorized vehicles can mean an army convoy. It is striking that more than two years after the army’s attack – the villagers still live in a state of constant fear.

Isaac said that his community wanted peace. He was following politics in Bangui through his battery-powered short-wave radio. He was confident that the ongoing political dialogue between the rebels and the government would bring stability and security to the region.

A few days later we were in Bangui and relayed his story to the politicians there. We told them that this is what this dialogue should be about: peace and safety. But the hope of the civilian population is matched by the cynicism of politicians. This is the third national dialogue in the past decade. The previous ones have failed and already there are disagreements undermining the current one.

Yet there is no better alternative. At the very least, this dialogue should produce an agreement on ending the cycle of violence. The armed rebellion does not have the capacity to depose the national government, nor do governmental forces have the ability to defeat a dispersed guerilla group. What may ultimately make the difference this time around is that now the international community is exerting pressure on all sides.

Let us hope that Isaac is right.

--Patrick Duplat

President’s Corner: Time for the U.S. To Do More in Darfur

The United States has started a new chapter in its effort to stop the death and displacement in the Darfur region of Sudan. I hope that it is more successful than previous attempts.

On Jan 17th President Bush met in the Oval Office with Ambassador Rich Williamson, his new Special Envoy to Sudan. At the meeting Mr. Bush said all the right things: “We talked about our common commitment and the commitment of this government to help the suffering of citizens in Sudan who, you know, suffer deprivation and rape,” the president said. “My administration called this a genocide. Once you label it “genocide” you obviously have to do something about it.”

President Bush and the Congress accused the government of Sudan of committing genocide in Darfur in 2004. Now, nearly four years later, fighting and displacement continue in Darfur and the government responsible for supporting brutal attacks against civilians remains in power. The U.S. has not done enough to stop what it has called a genocide.

At the end of the day, Ambassador Williamson will be judged on whether he can, working with the UN and others, convince rebel and government forces to stop the fighting. In working toward this goal, there are intermediate steps he can take to tighten pressure on the regime in Khartoum and on rebel leaders. For example, the U.S., working with its allies, should:

• Do more to enforce a widely violated arms embargo on both the government and the rebels.
• Tighten travel sanctions against members of the Khartoum regime so they can’t travel around the world as respectable leaders.
• Impose stiffer economic and financial sanctions on the regime.

In his White House comments, Mr. Bush said the U.S. wants to help make the United Nations, which is currently deploying a UN-African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur, more effective. “The United States can help what has been a process, frankly, that has unfolded a little too slow for our liking,” he said. “And we can help.”

One reason the UN is having a hard time deploying the new force is that it lacks adequate support from donor countries, including the U.S. It needs equipment, such as helicopters, that military powers have been slow to provide. That’s one area where the U.S. can help. Another reason for the slow UN deployment is a series of obstructions erected by the government of Sudan. The U.S. and its allies have been too willing to let Khartoum get away with delaying the deployment of peacekeepers.

We need tough, new measures to end a difficult, old conflict.

--Ken Bacon

Learn more about our work in Sudan at our Crisis in Darfur page.

South Sudan: An Anniversary for Peace

Today is the third anniversary of the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement. This peace agreement succeeded in bringing a halt to hostilities after more than two decades of civil war between south Sudanese rebels and the northern government in Khartoum.

Over the last three years, some political and military benchmarks from this agreement have been met while others are still lagging behind. This calls to mind the classic metaphor of the glass half full or half empty, depending on the level of thirst of the incipient drinker. Examples of success include a constitution for the Government of National Unity, a defined mechanism for sharing oil revenues, and regained security in many areas of south Sudan. However, delays in defining borders of strategic areas, implementing the census process, and redeploying Sudanese Army units out of oil producing areas cast doubts about the mutual trust and full commitment of the parties to the peace process.

In a few days, I will be traveling to southern Sudan for the second time in six months. Last June I met several Sudanese people who had been displaced for years, either in southern Darfur, Khartoum or in neighboring countries. Almost all of them referred to the CPA as the moment that triggered them to return home. All of them expressed hope and determination to start their new lives, rebuild houses, cultivate the land, graze animals or start small businesses. All of them showed amazing initiative, despite the fact that assistance was limited and the challenges were enormous. They are expecting commitment from their leaders and a sense of responsibility in order to make the CPA reality.

The south of Sudan lacks physical infrastructure; there are not enough water points and primary health care facilities, schools are in great need, particularly secondary and professional training ones. Hundreds of thousands of Sudanese have returned from exile and the meager basic services, insufficient for the resident population, are under significant stress and require quick and massive expansion. The Sudanese authorities and those from the international community committed to helping the south, including the US government, European countries and the World Bank, have to do their best to match the initiative of the average Sudanese as they find sustainable livelihoods and regain dignity. The reintegration of the returnees and the recovery of the communities should be a major priority of governments’ intervention and available resources invested accordingly.

Ten years ago, I saw the same strength and initiative in Angola’s displaced people on October 31, 1997, the 3rd anniversary of the signing of the Lusaka Peace Accord between the Angolan government and UNITA. Angola’s civil war had been waged against the people for 19 years, and the accord had been expected to create a lasting peace. Hopes were high, but within a year the country was engulfed into another tragic four years of conflict, with terrible loss of human life and new massive displacement.

Some “wise” people say that history repeats itself. Well, in the case of Sudan, we must prove those people wrong. History must not repeat itself. The Sudanese leaders from the north and the south bear great responsibilities and need to overcome the mutual lack of confidence to make peace a reality for their people. The international community has to do its share and maintain engagement throughout the process. After being thirsty for too long, the Sudanese people want no less than a full glass.

--Andrea Lari

President’s Corner: Farewell to Ellen Sauerbrey

Today I went to a farewell ceremony for Ellen Sauerbrey, the former Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees and Migration. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and her colleagues praised her for her passion and dedication to refugee protection.

Mrs. Sauerbrey held the post for two years and during that time worked hard to increase admissions during a period of additional security screening and new laws that complicated refugee resettlement in the United States. A major accomplishment was increasing the number of refugees resettled in the U.S. to 48,000 in fiscal year 2007, which ended last Sept. 30, from 41,000 the year before.

To do this, Mrs. Sauerbrey had to overcome an obstacle in new anti-terrorist laws--the USA Patriot Act and the REAL ID Act-- called material support. The provision denies resettlement opportunities to people who had provided assistance to “foreign terrorist organizations.” This means that people who had supported groups opposing the brutal dictatorship in Burma, for example, could not come to the U.S. as refugees, even though the U.S. government also opposes the Burmese military regime. Mrs. Sauerbrey helped to negotiate waivers for Burmese and Laotians from the material support provisions. She also played a key role opening resettlement opportunities for many of the nearly 100,000 Bhutanese refugees who have been in camps in Nepal since the early 1990s.

The biggest refugee challenge she faced during her tenure was the rapid increase in Iraqi refugees. There are currently 2.5 million Iraqi refugees, mainly in Syria and Jordan. Mrs. Sauerbrey worked to put a resettlement process in place, but the U.S. was only able to resettle 1,608 Iraqis last year, far fewer than its own goal of 7,000. It wants to resettle 12,000 in the current fiscal year, but resettlement continues to fall well below the target. In the first three months of the current fiscal year, the U.S. resettled only 1,057 Iraqis.

Resettlement is only one response to displacement. The first response is generally to aid refugees in their sanctuary countries. The U.S., working through the UN or bilaterally, sharply increased aid to Iraqi refugees in Syria and Jordan. Among other things, Mrs. Sauerbrey focused on improving educational opportunities for Iraqi refugee children.

When President Bush nominated Ellen Sauerbrey to serve as the chief of State’s refugee bureau, Refugees International opposed her nomination on the grounds that she had no experience with refugees. Reproductive health groups also opposed her, claiming that she was against family planning programs, a charge that Mrs. Sauerbrey denied. In the face of this opposition, she never received the required Senate approval for her job. President Bush gave her an interim appointment, which allowed her to serve until the end of the last Congress.

Refugees International and other refugee groups developed a close working relationship with Mrs. Sauerbrey, although we didn’t always see eye to eye on all issues. She overcame our initial concerns about her lack of experience. Many population groups, however, remained opposed to her, and the Senate failed to take up her nomination a second time, causing her to leave office.

I will personally miss her and her commitment to refugee protection. It was clear from her departure ceremony that her colleagues will miss her as well. They gave her many tributes, including an album of photos of her extensive travels to refugee camps, but the best tribute they can give her is a stepped up effort to increase the resettlement of Iraqi and other refugees.

--Ken Bacon

Iraqi Refugees: Hurdles for Iraqis in the New Year

We have entered a new year, and yet it seems as if things haven’t changed at all in terms of the way this administration views their responsibility to displaced Iraqis throughout the Middle East. The latest numbers have come out regarding the number of Iraqi refugees that have been admitted to permanently resettle in the US and once again they are down. This comes after the appointment of senior State Department and DHS officials, whose job it was to iron out the beaurocratic obstacles that were slowing the process. (Their own appointment follows the creation of a task force on the same issue by the Secretary of State). It is hard to fathom that the hold-up to the expedited admittance of screened, vetted refugees has any other explanation than that this is not a priority for the administration – despite the appeals of our Ambassador in Iraq Ryan Crocker and General Petraeus himself who argued that a robust refugee admittance program was vital to the ongoing US efforts in Iraq.

Prior to the release of these numbers, there was more troubling news. Just before New Year’s Eve, the President vetoed a widely popular defense authorization bill that had been debated and discussed for months because the White House’s lawyers missed a particular aspect that could expose the Iraqi government to expensive lawsuits. This bill contains important provisions for Iraqi refugees that were supported by Democrats and Republicans, and will ensure the US begins to meet its obligations to those Iraqis who helped American troops. While an amended bill will surely be passed, it is disheartening that a Defense authorization bill of such extreme importance would not be thoroughly reviewed and that we again see more delays in U.S. efforts to help Iraqi refugees.

Finally, this coming week the President will travel to the Middle East. According to National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley, “The trip will be an opportunity to reaffirm the enduring commitment of the United States to the security of our friends and allies in the Middle East, especially the Gulf nations.” It is abundantly clear that support for the Iraqi refugees throughout the Middle East is vital to the stability of that region. Yet, nowhere in Mr. Hadley’s comments or in the White House’s release does it mention this key issue. The president and his senior advisors seem to believe that they can ignore this problem and it will go away. It is clear that it won’t, however.

It is in the United States’ best interest to assist the Iraqi civilians who have been forced from their homes. The US should be leading the way – financially and diplomatically – to provide humanitarian assistance, find durable solutions, and ensure the safety and security of displaced Iraqis. It is my sincere hope that this visit by the President will open his eyes to the magnitude of the Iraqi refugee crisis, and that he returns to Washington with a newfound focus on finding solutions.

--Jake Kurtzer
Congressional Advocate

For more information on RI's work with Iraqi refugees, visit www.refugeesinternational.org/Iraq.

Kenyan Violence Shows Fragility of Stable Nations

Kenya and “humanitarian crisis” just don’t go together. Kenya is one of the places we count on to be stable. To be a responsible host for refugees and the agencies that assist them. To be the logistical hub for agencies mounting operations in neighboring countries damaged by conflict.

Yet post-election violence in Kenya -- violence with an ethnic dimension -- is driving people from their homes. According to the Kenya Red Cross, the conflict between the primarily Kikuyu supporters of President Mwai Kibaki and the supporters of Raila Odinga, a Luo, has displaced 100,000 people. Road blocks set up by marauding gangs are preventing access to some of the displaced. 5,000 Kenyans have sought refuge in Uganda in recent days.

The combination of the ethnic fault lines and the use of machetes by some of the attackers has inevitably led to press accounts evoking the 1994 Rwandan genocide, in which gangs organized by Hutu militants killed 800,000 Tutsis and Hutu members of opposition political parties as the United Nations and the major powers refused to intervene.

Evoking Rwanda is premature and even irresponsible. The Rwandan genocide was centrally planned and organized over a period of many months, awaiting the spark of the death of President Habyarimana in an air crash. What is happening in Kenya is spontaneous political violence by members of ethnic groups frustrated by their exclusion from political power for generations.

While the violence is unjustified, the anger is understandable. Initial reports had opposition candidate Odinga well in front, giving his followers the expectation that victory was at hand. The electoral commission’s validation of suspicious results from President Kibaki’s Kikuyu strongholds and subsequent declaration of him as the victor dashed those hopes.

Kenya was tantalizingly close to conducting an open election and having a smooth transition to new leadership, rare achievements in Africa. The apparent unwillingness of the ruling party to abide by the results has created a temporary humanitarian emergency that will require swift internal political action to solve, with assistance from the external mediators from the African Union and donor governments.

For me and for my colleagues at Refugees International, the events in Kenya underscore just how fragile our world is. We have enough collective experience to know that violence that produces displacement can erupt anywhere and at any time. Nonetheless, we want to be able to believe that there might be a few countries out there that are not going to fall apart. Most of us had Kenya fixed on the stable side of the ledger. As we enter 2008, chalk up another illusion and add Kenya to the list of vulnerable countries.

--Joel Charny
Vice President, Refugees International

Photo: Aerial footage of displaced people in the area where a
church was attacked near Eldoret, 193 miles northwest of Nairobi.
Credit: Reuters/Kenyan Red Cross via Reuters TV, courtesy www.alertnet.org.