RI Guest Blogger: Michael Hawkins on Burmese Refugees in Thailand

Refugees International Board member Michael Hawkins is currently on mission in Thailand focusing on the situation for Burmese refugees there and how the impact of the ongoing conflict inside Burma affects the stability of neighboring countries.

Today we visited the refugee camp at Tham Hin. It’s about three hours west of Bangkok and ten miles off the main road on a bumpy dirt road with many parts of the road washed out. The camp is very isolated and in the middle of a national forest.

Approximately 10,000 Burmese refugees live in this very crowded camp in bamboo huts without electricity or running water. Latrines are holes in the ground under their huts.

People have lived in the camp for an average of eight years, and it feels like a small city. We met with a number of officials in the camp, including some who discussed the problems they are facing in trying to resettle Burmese refugees permanently overseas. The resettlement of these refugees is important because it provides them with a permanent living situation after so much time in limbo.

In the afternoon, we had a camp tour. There were little children everywhere, barefoot and scurrying about. People are mostly sitting around as there is no work in the camp for them. It’s a sad situation.

We met with some of the refugees who were pursuing resettlement and learned about the atrocities they experienced in Burma and their frustrations in trying to get resettled to the US, Australia, and Scandinavian countries. Some want to stay in the camp because they hope to return to Burma if things change or because they have family in the camp who are not eligible for resettlement. These people are truly caught up in red tape and stuck in a bad situation. This all begs the need for a peaceful resolution in Burma and greater awareness of the plight of these refugees.

--Mike Hawkins

President’s Corner: Combating Rape in Darfur

Thanks to those of you who responded to our request to urge Members of Congress to take a stand against rape in Darfur, the House of Representatives passed House Resolution 726.

This vote comes on the same day that The Washington Post front page carried an article headlined “U.S. Promises on Darfur Don’t Match Actions.” The story details the large gap between President Bush’s expression of concern about the violence in Darfur, where he has accused the government of Sudan of genocide, and the lack of effective American action to end the fighting.

During 4 ½ years of fighting, an estimated 400,000 people have been killed and 2.5 million have been driven from their farms and villages. Although the causes and consequences of the war are complex, there is a strong ethnic element to the fighting; many of the dead and displaced are African farmers who have been attacked by government and militia forces comprised largely of Arabs.

A number of humanitarian agencies have documented the common use of rape as a weapon of attack when villages are being destroyed. In February, the chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Court said that a leader of the Janjaweed, an Arab militia associated with the government of Sudan, “issued orders to militia/Janjaweed and armed forces to victimize the civilian populations through mass rape and other sexual offenses, killings, torture, inhumane acts, pillaging and looting of residences and market places, the displacement of the resident community” and other criminal offenses. Over the summer Refugees International issued a report, Laws Without Justice, that noted that Sudan’s laws protect many of the rapists from prosecution. The report is about to come out in Arabic.

The House Resolution, co-sponsored by Rosa DeLauro (D-CT), Ileana Ros Lehtinen (R-FL) and Brad Miller (D-NC) instructs the State Department to develop programs to help women in need and seeks justice for victims of rape and sexual violence.

I have spoken to rape victims in Darfur, and they have no hope of seeing their attackers brought to justice. But the Resolution is an important expression of U.S. concern and another step toward calling world-wide attention to crimes that are both denied and condoned by the government of Sudan.

--Ken Bacon

Zimbabwe: The Dilemma With Illegal Workers

Have you taken a taxi in New York, Paris or London driven by a first-generation immigrant – only to realize that the driver used to be a doctor, engineer or lawyer in his or her home country? Language barriers, non-equivalent diplomas or simply lack of opportunities all contribute to de-professionalization – or skilled workers taking up unskilled work.

Zimbabwe used to have one of the strongest economies in Southern Africa, with a highly educated population and skilled labor force. Today, the economy has virtually collapsed, with an inflation rate reaching in the thousands and rows of supermarket shelves left empty. In South Africa we met scores of Zimbabwean teachers who had no choice but to leave their country: some left because the meager monthly government salaries they were receiving could not even pay for a few days’ worth of food; others because they had been threatened due to their political activism.

In Botswana, electricians, engineers and artisans are hired illegally to do basic construction work. They are sought for their skills and experience, but are paid low salaries – and are threatened with arrest if they complain.

Just a few days ago we interviewed commercial sex workers in a small town in Zambia. We were told that the sex trade used to involve mainly Zambian women. Today, the vast majority of them are coming from Zimbabwe, desperate to earn foreign currency in order to send some food back to their families. These women used to have office jobs back in Harare, working as clerks for banks or supermarkets. Because of the Zimbabwean government’s repressive economic policies, these women are reduced to washing clothes during the day and selling their bodies at night.

Without strong legal frameworks that protect workers’ rights and most importantly enable migrants to work legally, Zimbabweans are at the mercy of ruthless employers. De-professionalization is a sign of desperation, and one that host governments should respond to urgently.

--Patrick Duplat is currently assessing the humanitarian situation of Zimbabweans in southern Africa with Sean Garcia.

Zimbabwe: The Merry-Go-Round of Deportations

Sean and I are now in Zambia, the final leg of our trip, after two weeks in South Africa and Botswana. We crossed the Zimbabwe-Zambia border (nicknamed the Zim-Zam crossing) in Livingstone, site of the majestic Victoria Falls. We left Botswana after a very insightful week, driving 1,500 km along the country’s eastern border with Zimbabwe. We stopped in every major town to discuss with government officials, local civil society organizations, UN agencies and dozens of Zimbabwean migrants.

Botswana and South Africa are obviously two very different countries – from their unique historical trajectory since independence to their present policies on immigration. South Africa has a multi-ethnic population of some 40 million, with a vibrant civil society defending tooth and nail the country’s Bill of Rights. Botswana’s 1.7 million people on the other hand, are almost ethnically homogenous and the government has a conservative track record on immigration issues. The success of both countries in creating jobs, as well as their strong currencies, has acted as a magnet for Zimbabweans fleeing a collapsing economy and one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

In both countries however, the sheer number of Zimbabweans entering legally and illegally has provoked a domestic backlash. To respond to what the media – with its usual subtlety – has termed a human tsunami, the governments of South Africa and Botswana are reacting with force: identity checks, police raids, detention and ultimately deportation. The numbers are staggering: some 150,000 Zimbabweans have been deported from South Africa since January, while a further 65,000 have suffered the same fate from Botswana in 2006.

These numbers include repeat offenders. We spoke to a number of Zimbabweans on either side of the border who had repeatedly been deported – only to “jump” the border back again the very same day. The official statistics show that 35% of Zimbabweans deported prefer to pay a fine and risk crossing the border illegally again, rather than being given a free ride back to their home towns.

These deportations must stop. They are costly, futile and most importantly put people at risk. Indeed, Botswana and South Africa pay a high price to arrest, detain and transport migrants. The high number of repeat offenders shows that it does not act as a deterrent, and while legal, it’s an affront to humanitarian principles to drive back desperate people who have nowhere to go. We heard numerous stories of the dangers of crossing borders illegally: from dehydration, extortion by smugglers, criminal gangs preying on both sides of the border, as well as attacks from wild animals (many game reserves straddle borders). Deportations are nothing but a dangerous merry-go-round…

--Patrick Duplat is currently assessing the humanitarian situation of Zimbabweans in southern Africa with Sean Garcia.

President’s Corner: Ibrahim Prize Opens New Era for Africa

Today’s announcement that Joaquim Chissano, the former president of Mozambique, won the first Mo Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership, could open a new era in African politics and governance.

The prize—the world’s largest—was established by Dr. Mo Ibrahim, a Sudanese- born entrepreneur who made a fortune by bringing cell phone service to Africa, in order to focus attention on African leaders who follow the rule of law and put their country’s future above their own.

Mr. Chissano won the $5 million prize for his role in helping to end a brutal, 16 year civil war in Mozambique, for establishing democratic government in the former Portuguese colony, and for voluntarily stepping down before running for an allowed third term as president.

Ever since Dr. Ibrahim announced that he was establishing the prize a year ago, it has generated a buzz in Africa, both because of its size and its goal of improving governance in a continent known more for misrule than rule of law.

A Nigerian told me recently: “In America, the government fears the people. In Africa, the people fear the government.” Dr. Ibrahim’s goal is to change that equation by making African leaders more accountable to their people.

Earlier this month the Mo Ibrahim Foundation released the Ibrahim Index of African Governance, which ranked all 48 countries in Sub Saharan Africa. Mauritius got the top ranking, while Somalia ranked last. Dr. Ibrahim’s native country, Sudan, where a military regime is conducting a brutal civil war in Darfur, ranked number 45, even lower than Zimbabwe, a rich country impoverished by a repressive dictatorship.

“We are shinning a light on governance in Africa, and in so doing we are making a unique contribution to improving the quality of governance,” Dr. Ibrahim.

It is, of course, too early to predict the impact of Dr. Ibrahim’s focus on making African governments accountable, but the contribution to stability could be profound, particularly in helping war-torn countries return to stability. As Refugees International pointed out following a recent assessment of conditions in Liberia, the establishment of rule of law and governmental structures that help people mediate disputes peacefully and legally, rather than through violence, is a key element in helping war-torn countries rebuild.

Accountable governments are a key element in restoring stability, rebuilding war-torn economies and improving living standards. In 2005, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a new doctrine called the Responsibility to Protect. Many analysts have called this—incorrectly, I believe—a demand on Western governments to intervene in places like Sudan to stop genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity. While the Responsibility to Protect does contemplate military intervention as a last resort, it is primarily a call on governments to protect their own people and to be accountable to their needs.

In announcing the prize, Kofi Annan, the former Secretary General of the United Nations and chair of the prize selection panel, said: “President Chissano’s achievements in bringing peace, reconciliation, stable democracy and economic progress to his country greatly impressed the committee. So, too, did his decision to step down without seeking the third term the constitution allowed.”

There would be far fewer refugees and displaced people in Africa if other leaders followed President Chissano’s lead.

--Ken Bacon

Washington Circle: RI at the Canadian Embassy

On Monday, October 15, Refugees International’s Washington Circle presented a fall briefing at the Embassy of Canada in Washington, DC. Adam Chang reports on the event.

From the eyes of a humble intern standing on a 6th floor terrace looking out on the nation’s capitol glowing at dusk, the Embassy seemed like a great mansion. Guests filled the reception area, spilling out the doors after taking their seats. After a warm welcome from Ambassador Michael Wilson, the evening proceeded with two key note speakers from Refugees International – Human Rights expert and lawyer, Adrienne Fricke and Charles (Sandy) London, former research associate at RI and author of One Day the Soldiers Came.

Adrienne spoke of her report, Laws Without Justice, which details how Sudanese laws do not provide justice for Sudanese women who have been raped. For example, while it is legal for a woman to file a claim against a man who has raped her, current law dictates that she must provide substantial evidence to prove her case – including the testimony of male waitnesses. In filing a claim, she runs the risk of having admitted to a sexual relationship outside of marriage, which is considered adultery.. Under Islamic Sha’ria Law, she then may be charged and handed a sentence that may include whippings, or even death by stoning.

Moreover, Adrienne revealed that the current law makes individuals with government affiliation (guards, soldiers, government workers, etc.) immune from prosecution. Since much of the sexual violence in Darfur is perpetrated by members of the Sudanese armed forces or other government units, this law is particularly problematic. Even if a woman—at the risk of being socially ostracized—can marshal all the evidence to bring her attacker to court, she is barred in this final phase because Sudanese law permits such officials to infringe on the human rights of others.

Following Adrienne’s moving account, Charles (Sandy) read an excerpt about Michael, a boy from a Congolese refugee camp in Tanzania: “‘One day the soldiers came,’ Michael told me. Michael, who was fifteen, fled the Congo almost two years before I met him … ‘I was in the back room when the rebels came,’ he said. The rebels burst into his house, knowing his father was a businessman and would have money. They burst in through the front door armed with machetes and rifles. ‘That’s when I saw my mother and father killed, and all I could do was climb out the window.’”

Sandy then read about another Congolese refugee boy named Justin: “‘What would you tell someone your age who has never been in a refugee camp so that he could understand what it is like?’ I asked him. Justin thought for a moment, choosing his words carefully. ‘I would like to tell him that living in the camp is very bad. I think about going home, but who will I go back to? Everyone is dead. If I talk to this boy who has never been in a refugee camp I would be happy. I want to find children with hope.’”

The successful event was both informative and moving. As the evening came to an end, I got Sandy to sign my books. One, directed to my thirteen year old sister, was poignantly signed, “Keep reading, keep thinking, keep caring.”

-Adam Chang, Development Intern
Refugees International

DRC: Havoc in the Kivus

After a successful transition from war to the first democratic elections in forty years, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is back to the brink of the abyss. At least, this is what media and expert analysts have been saying since August when fighting erupted between troops loyal to renegade (and indicted) General Laurent N’Kunda and the forces of the regular Congolese army, in the eastern region of North Kivu.

A few days ago, Nkunda, asked for a ceasefire after he expressed concern over civilian casualties following heavy fighting. But now he has refused to respect a deadline to demobilize his troops or retrain them to enlist into the regular army.

I will resist from venturing into the classic crystal ball gazing and forecasting what will happen next. The disturbing reality is that civilians continue to bear the brunt of this senseless butchery. Tens of thousands are fleeing to save their lives while many who get caught in the crossfire are abused and raped. And with new fighting and new waves of extreme violence, the world community suddenly wakes up, expresses shock about this distant and often overwhelming disaster and again calls for ending the ordeal.

But there is another reality, which is overwhelmingly ignored. The vast majority of the people in the DRC is sick and tired of warmongers like Nkunda and his business patrons. The vast majority of the DRC is not engulfed in conflict but it is struggling to rebuild itself, create livelihoods and live a simple dignified life, with minimal assistance available in doing so.

This silent majority of Congolese is made up of those I have been hosted by and talked to for the last three years of my work on the Great Lakes of Africa. These people are clear about how the local elites in the Kivus regularly manipulate and stir ethnic hatred at will to either deflect or attract attention. They are tired of these elites benefiting from the economy of war and the suffering of the people. I met so many brave individuals who tirelessly try to counter arguments of war and violence with messages of reconciliation and hope -- people who provide assistance to women who have been sexually abused and humiliated, others who help children rescued from the militias and returned to their original families, and those who fight corruption and impunity within and beyond the Congolese borders.

This silent majority represents the hope for this country and deserves much more attention and support. There is much that can be done -- from providing humanitarian assistance and guaranteeing minimal physical protection to civilians in North Kivu, to applying serious pressure to bear on General Nkunda and his affiliates. From reducing illegal exploitation of natural resources and illicit smuggling of weapons, to supporting any available avenue that eliminates widespread impunity for human rights abuses. With these efforts, we could wipe out from our collective memory the (in)famous “Heart of Darkness” and “Hopeless Black Hole” concepts, which are often used to refer to the Congo. We could look into a crystal ball and foresee peace instead of misery.

--Andrea Lari, Advocate
Refugees International

South Sudan: The Unraveling of Peace

With all the world watching the roll-out of the new and unprecedented UN/AU ‘hybrid’ peacekeeping force in Darfur another major crisis is unfolding inside the very same country. On Thursday the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) – the former southern Sudanese rebel movement, and current custodians of the Government of Southern Sudan -- have withdrawn their officials from the Sudanese government. In 2005, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) called for leaders from the North and South to establish a Government of National Unity, but yesterday, this power-sharing agreement collapsed.

The bedrock of all peaceful progress in Sudan, the CPA is an agreement built on 15 years of painstaking negotiation that brought an end to a bloody civil conflict that spanned decades and cost thousands of lives. Today this much lauded promise of stability is under serious threat of unraveling, with the SPLM accusing the northern National Congress Party (NCP) of failing to hold up their end of the CPA bargain. In particular, the SPLM have cited the failure of the NCP to withdraw northern troops from the contested oil producing areas of Blue Nile, Southern Kordofan and Abyei. Difficulties with the plans for the January 08 census, and the 2009 elections, as well as major setbacks in the development of the joint North-South military units (Joint Integrated Units) have raised concerns about stability and the success of the CPA in the south.

After investing for years in a solution to the north-south conflict, the international community has turned its back on the hard won CPA. And while the suffering in Darfur consumes the collective attention -- and political capital -- of world leaders and activists, the lynch-pin of long term stability in Sudan – including Darfur- is rapidly slipping through our fingers. There is an urgent need to stop addressing the conflicts in Sudan as though they exist independent of one another, because peace in Darfur is a pipe dream if the rest of the country is allowed to slip back into war.

--Erin Weir
Peacekeeping Associate

Erin Weir and Andrea Lari visited southern Sudan earlier this year to assess the situation with returning refugees.

Zimbabwe: From Pretoria to the Limpopo River

We left Johannesburg on Friday and drove to Pretoria, the capital. After a day of meetings we continued on to the Zimbabwean border town of Messina.

The landscape on the drive is absolutely beautiful – hilly country covered with scrub bushes, big rocky outcroppings, earth that is pure ochre in color, and huge baobob trees looming over everything else. Messina itself is nothing to write home about – and yet I am! It reminds me of any border town that I’ve ever been to (and I’ve been to a lot).

On Saturday, we crossed into Zimbabwe. It’s amazing to see the stark contrast between the two countries, and to wonder at the fact that Zimbabwe used to be an economic rival to South Africa just 10 years ago. After crossing into Beitbridge, the pavement turns to rubble. Stores are either closed or have almost nothing on the shelves. What produce we did see was very expensive – as much or more than what we pay in the US, but in a country that cannot afford anything. We even came across a bank that had a sign saying “closed due to bad weather,” except it was a beautiful sunny day. Very few people were around, and people kept to themselves. We were able to talk to a few people who were heading to South Africa, and all had been going back and forth now for some time. We met one person who had filed for political asylum, but he was afraid to tell us why.

In the afternoon, we decided to take the advice of a colleague and drive along the border between Zimbabwe and South Africa. The two countries are divided by the Limpopo River, and if you’ve ever seen the nature specials about the wildebeest crossing the river and becoming dinner for the crocodiles that lay in wait, this is where it all happens. We didn’t get to see any of these life and death struggles, but again we did get to talk to a few more Zimbabweans along the way, all with interesting stories.

I still got to see a little bit of wildlife. As we began our border drive, we came across two huge lizards in a tussle – they were probably 2-3 feet long each! Then further down the road, as we were skirting the Limpopo River, we came across a large group of baboons foraging for food. They scattered as soon as I stopped the car. Finally, we saw a small herd of deer-like animals (maybe springbok?).

Now, it’s back to Johannesburg and then on to Botswana. We’re excited about going to a place where few organizations are collecting information, and where we can make a real difference. Plus, I’m told that I have a good chance at seeing a hippo in the Zambezi river!

--Sean Garcia is currently assessing the humanitarian situation of Zimbabweans in southern Africa with Patrick Duplat.

From the field: Zimbabweans in South Africa

We dove right into work just a few hours after arriving in South Africa (the jet lag is still with me five days later!), and it’s been one of the more interesting experiences that I’ve had. While there is no war in Zimbabwe, the government is very oppressive. Not only does it squash dissent, it is also in the process of destroying its own economy – it has the highest inflation rate in the world, and unemployment is at 80 percent. With things getting worse and food getting scarce, many people have no option but to leave the country in search of employment and a means of supporting their family.

The situation of Zimbabweans here is very politicized – many organizations want to declare this a refugee crisis with political tones, while more official sources say it’s just economic migration (like that between Mexico and the US). Some say there are only a few hundred thousand Zimbabweans here, while others put the number around 3 million. We even met a Zimbabwean presidential candidate in exile that put it at 8 million, although the total population of Zimbabwe is only 12 million. The one thing that everyone can agree upon is that the number of Zimbabweans entering the country is growing.

While we have seen a lot of evidence that many Zimbabweans in South Africa are finding work and seem to be scraping by, it does not make up for what has been lost. Teachers, architects, engineers, and all sorts of professionals are working as busboys, gardeners, and maids. We’re even seeing that Zimbabweans have to come to South Africa to do their shopping – there is no food on the shelves at home.

We were quite moved by a visit to the Central Methodist Church in downtown Johannesburg on Thursday. Over 1,200 Zimbabweans are currently living there – sleeping in hallways, offices, and even on the stairs. Tuberculosis is starting to spread because of the difficult living conditions, and the Pastor at the church is looking to get Doctors Without Borders into the facility (we met with them, and they plan to set up shop soon).

While we saw Zimbabweans that are getting by, it is clear that many are in desperate need of assistance. The Methodist Church may be the largest shelter like this, but the Pastor also told us that an Anglican Church nearby is starting to provide similar shelter to Zimbabweans, as is a Catholic Church in another part of town. The need is clearly growing.

The Pastor requires everyone who stays with him to either teach others, or to study under the tutelage of other residents. When we asked if he had enough teachers, he told us that in the group he had interviewed the previous night, a majority had formal teaching skills or advanced degrees that would allow them to teach – a clear sign that the middle classes are fleeing Zimbabwe.

While all Zimbabweans will clearly state that they are here for work, and that earning money to send home is the top priority, we also find that many people have equally compelling political reasons to leave. Many have been beaten or threatened by the police or army because of their views. In most countries, this would be sufficient for refugee status. The Methodist Pastor we spoke with said that two people he interviewed the previous night were victims of beatings, while another 10, out of a group of about 20, had been told to leave the country or else.

But another twist develops – once you apply for asylum in South Africa, you cannot go back to Zimbabwe, or your visa will be revoked and you will be deported. And since most Zimbabweans still need to feed families back at home, they must travel home to bring goods. We’ve even met Zimbabweans who say they are afraid of the police when they go home; one gets warnings from the police saying they know when he is home. So it looks like South Africa will need to devise a better system to help Zimbabweans, so that they can live here safely and still help their families at home.

--Sean Garcia is currently assessing the humanitarian situation of Zimbabweans in southern Africa with Patrick Duplat.

Protracted refugee situations: When the quality of mercy sours

One of the most disturbing aspects of protracted refugee situations ---- when people have been sitting in camps waiting for some resolution of their plight for a decade or more ---- is the mutual resentment and distrust that builds between the refugees and those trying to assist them. The relationship gradually deteriorates under the weight of the despair of seeing no end on the horizon.

I recently completed a visit to the camps for Bhutanese refugees in Jhapa district in eastern Nepal, where more than 100,000 people have been living since the early 90s. While the camps themselves are in many ways model communities, with schools, training centers, medical facilities, and small shops, the refugees are increasingly frustrated. They point to cuts in rations and a switch from kerosene to charcoal briquets for cooking as evidence that the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and its implementing partners are starting the slow process of abandoning them. Individuals under threat within the camp for pursuing the possibility of resettlement to the United States and other countries, rather than waiting for return to Bhutan, accuse UNHCR staff of dismissing their fears and shuttling them off to uncaring Nepali police to seek protection and redress.

For their part, UNHCR staff come dangerously close to blaming the victims. They maintain that their noble efforts to assist the refugees are rebuffed and misinterpreted. Providing special protection and assistance to individuals chased from the camps would only provoke a greater outflow of people seeking similar treatment. They start to lose their sense of humanity and perspective, and hide behind excuses that sound bureaucratic, claiming that they have no mandate to provide assistance outside the camps and that their protection role is a purely legal one. When RI raised the material needs of a specific group of refugees, the frustrated response was "We all have material needs," as if the needs of refugees could be compared to those of an international civil servant.

From my perspective as an outsider to this dynamic, I accept that both aggrieved parties to the deteriorating relationship are partially justified in feeling the way they do. And the irony is that the Bhutanese camps have been in many ways a model of international cooperation. The refugees should be proud of their self-help efforts and high level of social organization. UNHCR should be proud that it has been able to maintain this operation for 17 years, while retaining a level of basic services to the refugees as high as any in the world.

Ultimately in such situations UNHCR has a special responsibility to transcend the negative dynamic, overcome the pressure of feeling besieged, and retain the core focus on the well-being of individual refugees while working with local and international support to find permanent solutions. In the case of the Bhutanese refugees one solution --- third country resettlement --- is very close to being implemented, which will bring a measure of relief to all parties. But implementing the process well depends on maintaining respect for refugees as people rather than clients. HCR staff in Nepal need to take a symbolic deep breath and remember that refugees are not scam artists but human beings trying to find the best possible future for themselves and their families.

--Joel Charny
Vice President, Refugees International

From Violence to Silence in Burma

Things seem to be eerily quiet inside Burma after the recent violent crackdowns against monks and protesters. In addition to suppressing the media, it was reported today that the junta has shut down the Internet in Burma in order to prevent more negative images from slipping out.

Here are some of the other major developments since my last blog post:

After briefing the UN Security Council last week, the Secretary-General's Special Advisor on Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, traveled to Burma over the weekend, where he met with junta leaders, as well as Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy leader who has been under house arrest for more than a decade. But despite Gambari's visit, the junta continued today to arrest more demonstrators.

This week, the UN Human Rights Council held a special session on the situation in Burma and passed a resolution yesterday strongly deploring the violence. Refugees International welcomes the resolution and urges the UN Security Council to follow suit and condemn the violence. In her address to the Human Rights Council, Louise Arbour, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, urged action in order to prevent further violence and abuse. The council is pushing for Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, UN special rapporteur for human rights in Burma, to be allowed access to the country in order to investigate the human rights situation.

For now there do not seem to be any additional refugee flows out of Burma, according to UNHCR in Thailand. However, the Washington Post reported today that “dozens of Burmese were deported across the border Sunday after demonstrations backing the uprising in Rangoon.” And there is still concern that people who are currently in hiding could try to make their way to the border. Refugees International continues to urge the Thai government to allow Burmese to seek asylum.

The international community must also continue to support aid agencies as they provide assistance to vulnerable Burmese. WFP has finally been allowed to continue its food deliveries after the junta lifted its ban on the agency's movement during the demonstrations. However, humanitarian aid workers still warn that a food crisis is now looming in the country.

Japan has also said that it is considering reducing its humanitarian assistance to Burma, after the killing of a Japanese journalist during the protests last week. Japan is a major donor to Burma, a country that continues to be in desperate need of more international humanitarian support. This distressing news only reinforces our call that the U.S. and other governments put measures in place to assist vulnerable Burmese who are struggling to access food, health care and other necessities.

--Camilla Olson

"Refugee Crisis in Iraq Act" is a Good First Step

Late last Thursday, the Senate unanimously approved an amendment to an upcoming defense bill called the “Refugee Crisis in Iraq Act,” in an attempt to repay our debt to Iraqis who have risked their lives by assisting US forces.

The amendment’s chief supporters, Senators Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.), Gordon Smith (R-Ore.), Sam Brownback (R-Kan.), and Joe Lieberman (D-Conn.), represent a diverse range of liberal and conservative voices usually at odds with one another over the Iraq war. However, the mood surrounding this amendment was one of true bipartisanship.

At a press conference last week, I watched each of these leading Senators echo each other’s sentiments. They all emphasized that this initiative’s progress must not be impeded by political rivalries in Washington; the thousands of Iraqis working as interpreters and US government employees, now being systematically hunted down by militias for their loyalty to the US, must be protected.

The most moving portion of the conference came when a young Iraq war veteran, Lieutenant Joe Seemiller, told the story of his battalion’s Iraqi interpreter. This man continued to work for Miller’s battalion even after the country spiraled into sectarian chaos and he began receiving ever more constant death threats from militias for his cooperation with the US. Miller advised his loyal interpreter to flee several times, but the interpreter wouldn’t budge. Finally, he was forced to acknowledge the inescapable threats directed at himself and his family and fled to Syria. There, he is unable to find work or receive basic services, similar to the 1.5 million fellow Iraqi refugees in Syria.

The Senate seems to have heard Lieutenant Seemiller’s somber plea – and the pleas of many other Iraqi veterans -- last Wednesday and supported the Kennedy amendment. If this amendment enjoys similar support in the House, the number of Iraqi interpreters and U.S. government employees admitted into the US could jump to five thousand each year for the next five years. It is encouraging that our elected officials seem willing to increase our efforts to help Iraqi refugees. However, true progress for Iraqis will come when the U.S. and other countries begin to provide bilateral aid for the region. It is obvious that even with an increase in resettled Iraqi refugees, there will still be millions left in the region who wish to return home one day. While they wait, we should do our best to make sure that they are able to survive with some semblance of normalcy. Any strategy for Iraq must include planning for increased assistance to these people. We may not know how to end the war in Iraq, but we do know how to help refugees in need.

-Nicholas Winnie